[PDF] Copyright 2013 by Sport&EU, The Association for the Study of Sport and the European Union: ISSN

Volume 5 — Issue 1 — May 2013

Sport&EU Review Copyright © 2013 by Sport&EU, The Association for the Study of Sport and the European Union: http://www.sportandeu.com. ISSN 2040-5847. Sport&EU Review is indexed in EBSCOhost and International Platform of Sports Law Journals. Co-Editors: Alexander Brand, Simon Ličen and Arne Niemann

Editorial contact information and book review correspondence: [emailprotected]. Sport&EU Review is published two times per year, in April (Spring) and October (Autumn).

Guidelines for contributors Sport&EU Review invites submissions for peer-reviewed articles, legal commentaries, forum contributions and proposals for themed special issues for publication. Contributions should reflect the general interests of the Association for the Study of Sport and the European Union. * Sport&EU Review aims to provide coverage of the full range of issues relevant to the study of sport and the European Union. These will include, but are not limited to governance, social and policy studies, communication, economy, sociology, legal and management issues in European sport. Sport&EU Review also welcomes work with comparative or international perspectives. * Sport&EU Review publishes two forms of longer articles: research articles and legal commentaries. Research articles should be up to 7,000 words in length while legal commentaries should normally be about 5,000 words in length. Research articles may represent research in progress, discussion of research methodologies, or other scholarly work that is of interest to the readership. Legal commentaries present a legal issue pertinent to European sports law in a concise and accessible manner. Contributions from postgraduate research students are also welcome. * Papers intended for peer review (research articles and legal commentaries) will be reviewed by at least two anonymous referees. In order to facilitate the review process, manuscripts must have been proofread by a native speaker before submission. They should be written in British English. In terms of referencing, authors of research articles should use the Harvard system of referencing (in the social science tradition) while legal texts should – especially regarding cases, legislation and statutes – follow the OSCOLA style. Authors are welcome to include relevant hyperlinks into their contributions, though such hyperlinks shall not substitute accurate citation and references lists at the end of the manuscripts. Each paper should have an abstract of 200 words and a maximum of five key words. * For the two issues per volume, the following deadlines apply concerning research articles and legal commentaries: Spring issue Autumn issue Deadline for submissions

Deadline for revised submissions (after review) Publication

31 December (for 1/2013) 30 November (starting with 1/2014)

31 May

1 March

1 September

April

October

* Forum contributions are shorter, usually up to 1,000 words including references. They are not peerreviewed, but are intended as short items of general interest to the readership of Sport&EU Review. These include, but are not limited to debate/opinion pieces, conference reports, calls for papers, brief updates on key developments in the field and reviews of publications. Concerning language standards and style of referencing, the same guidelines as for longer contributions apply. Forum contributions, however, follow a slightly different schedule; they have to be submitted by 31 January (Spring issue) and 31 July (Autumn) to allow for eventual smaller revisions. * Sport&EU Review anticipates that a considerable proportion of papers first presented in Sport&EU Review will subsequently be developed for publication elsewhere and that its review process will be used as a step towards publication of a final working paper elsewhere. This is to be encouraged. Whilst Sport&EU Review will retain the right to publish contributions in their original form, authors remain free to develop their contributions further in other forms, provided Sport&EU Review is acknowledged.

1. EDITORIAL Editing an open access journal like the Sport&EU Review, even if backed by a vibrant and growing community such as Sport&EU’s, can sometimes be a bit tedious. Within our editorial team, this occasionally leads to e-mail exchanges and discussions about what our main objectives really are (or should be). If, in fact, we at times witness difficulties in soliciting article submissions, there seems to be an ever increasing amount of columns, reports, comments and announcements to circulate. Does this indicate that we should consider going back to the “pure” newsletter format? Or should we step up our efforts as editors to spread the name and enhance the prestige of the Review in order to avoid such a step backwards? But what about the community which is primarily addressed by the Review? At the end of such discussions, we usually tend to come to the conclusion that there are certainly a lot of promising and interesting papers out there which could make an appearance in this Review. Hence, we emphatically ask you to consider the Review as an outlet for publication (not only something to be regularly read). We think it is an asset of the Sport&EU Review to offer a publication opportunity for excellent work done by young academics, too. We like the approach to have a journal which also publishes work in progress. Needless to say that we secure the proper quality of all the papers published, especially through a peer review process. And here we can report some success: recently, we have recruited a number of respected senior academics to our pool of reviewers. In order to maintain anonymity, let us simply state that they come from all over Europe, e.g. Germany, Greece, Estonia, Italy, Portugal, the Netherlands, the UK, and even the United States. This indicates that the Review has some standing and is being followed. To sum up, if you, dear reader, have a paper which could be of interest to this journal’s concerns, if you have a colleague who might be interested in “testing” a paper received well at a conference but that is nevertheless still at the stage of “work in progress”, or if you know of an excellent Master’s thesis: Please consider the Sport&EU Review as a possible venue for publication. Another issue came to mind when we talked about recent conference experiences. At an event last year, in a discussion after a panel on European sports policy, a colleague sighed and remarked that this was just another occasion where most people in the audience (and those speaking in front of them) were talking and debating football, not sports in general. The word she used for this phenomenon was “footballism”, a catchy term which lingered on afterwards in the minds of those who were there. To be honest, two of us in the editorial team also did not reflect much about occasionally using “sport” and “football” rather interchangeably in their work, while in the end: writing about football in Europe. And, indeed, one could make the case that because football directs a huge amount of media and societal attention, it is in some ways a sort of a trendsetter or a focal point which helps to make “sport” in general a prominent theme. On the other hand, football (as all forms of sport) has its 4

peculiarities, and its drawing on a huge amount of emotional (and other) investment might also come to the detriment of other sports. When Betty Heidler, a Germanborn hammer thrower and current world record holder was asked about issues of recognition and support in a TV debate on sports immediately after the London Olympics (ten thousands of spectators at the Olympic Games, only a few hundreds or thousands at best at national events as compared to the ever-sold out Bundesliga stadiums), she replied quite similar to the colleague who had complained about occasional footballism in academia. Basically, she answered that football and other sports (e.g. track and field) are “on different planets”, be that with regard to issues of fandom and spectatorship, but also concerning sponsorship, society-wide recognition and media attention. Even the then Secretary General of a major European sports federation once said in an informal talk that their sport aimed at remaining the number one sport in Europe because “football is not a sport: football is a religion”. Interestingly enough a lot of people do sports other than football. And even with the issue of fandom and (passive) interest, figures do not seem to be that one-sided. A recent e-mail exchange on the FREE (Football Research in an Enlarged Europe) mailing list on the data of the UK Premier League Fan Survey underscored this. It revealed that 70% of the female and 39% of the male population (in the United Kingdom!) seem not to be interested in football at all, and only 5% of women and 18% of men attend football games at the stadium regularly. At first glance, one would have betted on higher popularity ratings! On the other hand, as a colleague replied, this means that 61% of the male and 30% of the female population in the UK report an interest in football which sounds more impressive if you want to make the case of a “hegemonic role” for football vis-à-vis other sports. For us as editors, these discussions imply that we have to be aware of the fact that we publish a journal for the Sport&EU community. For you as readers and potential contributors, this might remind you, especially those not primarily interested in football, that it is also up to you to live this spirit and articulate your work and concerns. When the current editorial board applied for this function, we stated that we regarded it as our task, among other things, to solicite “more contributions on non-football related sport issues”. As we still see this as a worthwhile undertaking, we thought it might be interesting to look back at how the Review has fared so far regarding such a balance. Since its inception (as the Review in its current form), 12 research articles, legal commentaries and forum debates have been published. Of those, half of the contributions (6) dealt with general sports (governance) issues, one was directed at a sport other than football, and five articles (including the issue you are reading, one forum debate and one short forum contribution) focused on football matters. On this basis, we would argue that the Sport&EU Review has not fallen prey to “footballism”. A slight bias towards football themes might nevertheless have come through the backdoor: the giant FREE research project – which we consider as a landmark project and of which we are happy to have a regular report – casts his shadows; books sent to us for review are often football-related etc. Do not misunderstand us: We wholeheartedly welcome contributions on football! But, especially to those interested in other sports such as track and field, running, cycling, 5

handball, basketball, tennis and others: we also welcome submissions on other sport activities in their relation to governance structures and EU-level decision-making! Only a few days separate us from this year’s conference of the Association for the Study of Sport and the EU which will take place in turbulent Istanbul later this June. As we eagerly await this event, a brief look at the programme – published in the following pages – might even enhance your pleasant anticipation. Keeping in mind the above discussion, do also have a look at what the balance between football- and non-football-related papers will be! But first, dear readers, we hope that you will enjoy the new issue of the Sport&EU Review. In this issue’s research article, Mahfoud Amara and Borja García-García interrogate the recent Arab investments in European football clubs, especially in terms of whether the media frame such foreign “takeovers” as either threats or rather opportunities (or both). In a forum contribution, Karen Petry and Patrick Duffy report on the activities of the European Network of Sport Science, Education and Employment (ENSSEE) regarding the implementation of EU policies directed at improving the quality and effectiveness of education and training systems in sports and physical education. The FREE Kick has become a regular column in the Review by now – in its fourth instalment, Albrecht Sonntag takes a wider perspective on how football research arguably can contribute to analysing and understanding European collective memory, a task which was at the centre of attention at FREE’s last conference in Stuttgart. Taking up the debate on violence in sport which started in the previous issue of the Sport&EU Review with Bart Ooijen’s contribution from the perspective of the European Commission, Jonas Havelund and Lise Joern reply with an eye on recent practices to categorise supporters. As a follow-up, Delroy Alexander from the Caribbean Sacred Sports Foundation again directs our attention at this year’s Sport in Black & White event in St. Lucia. Finally, Geoff Pearson’s new and impressive book ‘An Ethnography of English Football fans’ has been reviewed by Alexander Brand, and, as usually, upcoming Conferences and Events (most notably this year’s Annual Sport&EU Conference in Istanbul) as well as Journals and Resources of interest to our community are reported in the last part of the Review. We hope you enjoy reading this issue of the Review and would be pleased to hear from you – either in form of submissions or comments to be published in the next issues. And, again, we could not be more serious in saying: do not miss the opportunity to have your say. Alexander Brand, Simon Ličen, and Arne Niemann Co-Editors [emailprotected]

2. ORIGINAL RESEARCH Media perceptions of Arab investment in European football clubs: the cases of Málaga and Paris Saint-Germain Borja García and Mahfoud Amara1 Abstract One of the most visible consequences of the recent liberalisation and commercialisation of European football is the growing level of Arab capital investment in the European football market. Several professional football clubs in England, France and Spain have been taken over by Arab investors. Set against a background of mistrust towards foreign citizens in the continent, this paper aims to ascertain the perception of recent Arab investment in European football markets. This is a first stage in a larger project that will include, in due course, a wider selection of case studies and a wider variety of media outlets in the analysis. This paper presents the case studies of two clubs recently taken over by Arab investors: Paris Saint-Germain (PSG) in France, and Málaga CF in Spain. The paper sets to elucidate, whether Arab investment is perceived as an opportunity for development or as a risk to the identity of the clubs, or both. To do so, the case studies address three different dimensions: economics, regulation, and identity. The paper employs a qualitative methodology through thematic analysis of selected publications in the French and Spanish press. In terms of structure the paper first discusses the global and local dynamics of sport on the Arabian Peninsula, particularly the network between business and politics. The second section addresses the question of the governance of football in relation to the shift of power from Europe and South America to elsewhere in the world. The last section is devoted to the analysis of the case studies: PSG owned by Qatar Sport Investment and Málaga CF (hereafter referred to simply as Málaga) owned by Qatari Sheikh Abdullah bin Nasser Al-Thani. The main conclusion of our analysis is that Arab investment in these two clubs has been cautiously welcome. There is a dual discourse whereby positive perceptions of the takeovers are constantly counterbalanced with apprehension of a possible loss of the clubs’ history and local identity. It is difficult to separate the positive and the negative perceptions in the discourse. Both run in parallel constantly and it is not possible to conclude whether one or the other is prevalent. Keywords: Football, Qatar, foreign owners, media, Arab world, Europe, governance

Both authors are with the School of Sport, Exercise and Health Sciences, Loughborough University, UK. Corresponding author: [emailprotected]. 1

Introduction During the last two decades, Europe has witnessed two parallel processes. On the one hand a vast economic development and commercialisation of society. On the other hand, processes of globalisation have profoundly transformed European society. As Lincoln Allison (1998) ably puts it, sport is probably civil society at its best and, in consequence, it is not surprising to see both commercialisation and globalisation converging in the sphere of sport. In this paper we focus on football. The game has not escaped social and other transformations because, as Anthony King argues, football is nothing more, but also nothing less, than an almost perfect reflection of social and economic processes (King 2002). The last two decades have seen football being transformed, thanks to the development of the audiovisual industry, from a relatively minor commercial venture to a multimillion euro business sector. The massive commercialisation of European football brought about many changes, such as new competition formats to take advantage of lucrative contracts with broadcasters, among many others (King 2003). Richard Parrish and Samuli Miettinen (2008) pointed out, however, that for some time one of the paradoxes of the transformation of European football was the different globalisation levels within the sector.2 They highlighted the fact that, whilst the players market was immediately liberalised in 1995 following the ruling of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in the Bosman case3, the exploitation market (that is the organisation and commercialisation of competitions) remained mostly divided along national lines. In other words, whilst club squads were profoundly globalised with an influx of foreign players, the ownership and business models of the clubs themselves remained rooted to relatively parochial levels. Furthermore, the exploitation of commercial football rights remained segmented along national lines as well. This was, of course, to be transformed. Probably the first step in the globalisation of football as a business was the expansion of the leagues to foreign markets, such as the Far East, where the English Premier League was pioneer. Another level was reached with the interest of foreign broadcasters in major European football competitions. Finally, the recent ruling by the CJEU in the Murphy case4 has demonstrated the unstoppable globalisation of football’s business model. The English Premier League is now aware that it cannot sell its foreign broadcasting rights on a country by country basis, at least within the European Union. That is however outside the scope of this paper, but it serves to illustrate the level of football’s globalisation. Perhaps one of the last fortresses of ‘traditional football’ began to fall when European clubs accepted foreign capital, first, and full foreign ownership afterwards. This paper

On the transformation of European football more generally, see Niemann et al. 2011. Jean Marc Bosman v. Union Royale Belge Sociétés de Football Association, case C-415/93 [1995] ECR I-4921. 4 Football Association Premier League Ltd and Others v. QC Leisure and Others; and Karen Murphy v. Media Protection Services Ltd. Joined cases C-403/08 and C-429/08. 2 3

focuses in the latter. Manchester United and Liverpool now have American owners. The Italian family Pozzo are owners of Udinese in their own country, but they have also acquired Watford in England and Granada in Spain (BBC Sport 2012). Blackburn Rovers, another English club, is controlled by Indian poultry tycoons, the Venky’s family (Harris 2011). This is just to name a few. This paper focuses particularly on the growing level of Arab investment in European football. Whilst foreign ownership of football clubs is interesting per se, the social and cultural connotations of the new owners of Arab origin raises even more poignant questions. There is no need to explain that cultural, political and social tensions between the Arab-Islamic and the western cultures have risen since 9/11 which, according to some political analysts, is merely the spectre of a ‘clash of civilizations’ between ‘Islam’ and ‘the West’ (Huntington 1993)5. Thus, it is pertinent to ask how European society perceives the arrival of Arab multimillionaires into football, one of the latest fortresses of local, regional and national identity. The increasingly important role of Arab investors in European clubs raises questions of cultural differences, feelings of belonging and images of ‘the other’, but it also brings to our attention wider issues of football governance and the distribution of power in the geopolitics of the game. With the recent (and for some, controversial) decision to award the 2022 FIFA World Cup to Qatar, it seems that a new focus of power in football governance is emerging to challenge the traditional dominance of Europe and, to a lesser extent, South America. Thus, this paper asks a very direct, yet complex, question: How are these new Arab owners perceived in the communities where their clubs are based? As this is certainly a very wide topic, we have decided to start with a modest approach, restraining ourselves in this first stage to case study research through analysis of the perceptions in local and national written media. We have selected two case studies, which shall help us to examine the merits of this topic for further research. Therefore, the paper takes on the cases of Málaga and PSG, both clubs recently bought by Arab capital. We base our investigation on thematic analysis of written media. For the case of PSG, analysis is based on the coverage of a national news magazine (Marianne), whilst the case of Málaga involves one local (Diario Sur) and two national (El País and El Mundo) newspapers. Following this introduction, this paper now proceeds in five steps. First, we provide a concise literature overview of the process of football globalisation and the role that Arab capital has played in the internationalisation of the European game. This sets up the analytical framework, emphasizing that foreign capital takeovers are one of the key features of football’s commercialisation and that Arab capital investment in the European game is rising exponentially. Second, we discuss the methodological considerations of our study. We then move to present the paper’s empirical research.

Politicians in the U.S. Congress from both parties expressed anger for the sale of port management businesses in six major U.S. seaports to a company based in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) The Dubai Ports World. “They expressed concern over the security implications of an Arab state-owned company being given access to U.S.” (see Beisecker 2006). 5

The third section focuses on the case of PSG, whilst the fourth section deals with Málaga’s takeover. Finally, the conclusion summarises the main finding and discusses avenues for further research.

Evolution and ‘glocalisation’ of football Before moving to the analysis of the reactions to the takeovers of Málaga and PSG, it is necessary to provide some background information on the economic and social processes that underpin the transformation of European football. This section presents a succinct review of the literature in two main areas: First, on the evolution and globalisation of football in Europe; second, on the strategic planning of Arab investment in sport and its impact on the mentioned globalisation of the game. It is necessary to start with a short overview of how football evolution has been conceptualised. Richard Giulianotti (1999) provides here a very useful division of the evolution of football. He argues that three clear stages can be differentiated: ‘traditional’, ‘modern’ and ‘post-modern’. The ‘traditional’ period lasted until after the First World War, and it was marked by ‘the establishment of the game’s rules, their international diffusion and the formation of national associations to administer the sport, under the aegis of ruling elites’ (Giulianotti 1999: 166). The ‘modern’ era of football is sub-divided into three periods. ‘Early modernity’ is the first of these three sub-divisions, running from the 1920s to the Second World War. During that time the Olympic Games and the World Cup cemented football’s global status. During this period football became the major national sport in Europe and Latin America, players started to emerge as national heroes and earn better than average wages, but they lacked long-term security (ibid.: 167). The ‘intermediate modernity’ of football lasted from the post war period to the early 1960s. In this period continental confederations of national football associations (such as UEFA) emerged as another tier of governance for the game, and, above all, television became more prevalent in family homes, making the skill of top players known world-wide (ibid.: 168). ‘Late modernity’ ran from the early 1960s to the late 1980s. Consumer culture and youth culture had a massive impact on the game, with players becoming superstars and icons of modernity (Manchester United’s Northern Irish star George Best is one of the best examples); revenues from sponsorship and merchandising started to overcome gate-receipts as the first source of income for clubs (ibid: 168). Football in the ‘post-modern’ era began in the late 1980s and it has been evolving ever since. It has entailed a major commercialisation of the sporting activity and the influence of television companies in controlling clubs and financing the game (Giulianotti 1999: 168). Brand new or totally refurbished stadiums became a symbol of this new era of football, where television deals and ticket distribution policies maximise income, but may in turn damage the interests of the most dedicated supporters (ibid: 169). In the ‘post-modern’ era fans represent a new middle class, ‘a new kind of football spectator keen to produce and consume a variety of football media’ (ibid: 169). With television revenues multiplying the benefits of top clubs, 10

tournaments have become a huge business and the elite players enjoy ever higher wages, especially after the 1995 Bosman ruling. This paper, of course, delves right into what Giulianotti labelled as the post-modern era of football. We could also perhaps refer to it as the ‘glocal’ era (Giulianotti and Robertson 2004) of football business. The business and governance of ‘post-modern’ football Having conceptualised the evolution of football to its current days, we turn now to a review of the business and governance issues raised by the development of football as an industry. The objective is to analyse some of the characteristics of this new postmodern era of football that has been described by Giulianotti and others in the literature. Perhaps the most prominent characteristic of this new era of European football is commercialisation (García 2010; Downward et al. 2009; Hamil and Walters 2010). The commercialisation of European football has gone hand in hand with the increase in revenues from selling of the game’s broadcasting rights. The economic growth of European professional football can be measured through some indicators, such as the revenue generated by Europe’s top professional football leagues, the so-called big five (i.e. England, France, Germany, Italy, and Spain), as illustrated in the following table: Table 1. Total revenue of the big five European leagues (in Million €) (Deloitte 2011) Premier League

Ligue 1

Serie A

Bundesliga

La Liga

1999/00

1,219

607

954

681

722

2000/01

1,557

644

1,027

880

676

2001/02

1,747

643

1,017

1,043

776

2002/03

1,791

689

1,042

1,108

847

2003/04

1,977

655

1,052

1,058

953

2004/05

1,975

696

1,219

1,236

1,029

2005/06

1,995

910

1,277

1,195

1,158

2006/07

2,273

972

1,064

1,379

1,326

2007/08

2,441

989

1,421

1,438

2008/09

2,326

1,048

1,494

1,575

1,501

2009/10

2,479

1,072

1,532

1,664

1,622

2010/11

2,742

1,080

1,700

1,730

+125%

+78%

+154%

+139.6%

Table 1 provides a simple snapshot of the rising income levels of professional football in Europe. These five leagues are by far the more commercialised as they have access to the largest television markets in the continent and overseas. It can be seen how European football has doubled its income in the last decade of the 20 th century. For 11

the German Bundesliga, the income has risen by a staggering 154 percent. These figures also provide one of the justifications for our case study selection, Málaga and PSG. Both are clubs involved in the so-called Big 5 European Leagues; that is to say, the richest football competitions in the continent. The former belongs to the second richest league, whilst PSG, in France, anchors in a slightly less affluent football market, yet prominent enough. The data presented above clearly show the increasing and rapid commercialization of football, which is inherently related to the process of globalization or ‘glocalisation’ (Giulianotti and Robertson 2004) that the paper seeks to explore. However, table 1 does only provide an indication of the positive side of post-modern football’s commercialisation. The increase in revenue has also lead to an increase in players’ wages, among other things. The current average income-to-wages ratio of the English Premier League is 70 percent (Pitt-Brooke 2012). That is to say, English top clubs have to dedicate more than two-thirds of their income to pay their players. That excludes any other expenses. It is not unheard of football clubs in Europe that exceed the 100 percent. That is to say, their wage bill each year is bigger than their income (see Deloitte 2011). Thus, it is not difficult to find academic accounts arguing that the finances of European football are out of hand. Hamil and Walters (2010) point out that despite the income level, football clubs have amassed serious levels of debt that could question their existence as a viable businesses. Thus, clubs in Europe are in need of extra capital to cover the debt accumulated by an ever increasing wage bill (see Deloitte 2011 for a detailed analysis of the increased wage bill in European football). Against the backdrop of economic recession in the continent, it is difficult to find capital investment of European origin in any sector, let alone sport or professional football. Therefore, investment comes from those economies that are not in recession and can generate gains to be invested. It is outside the scope of this paper to enter into detailed analysis of the origin of European football clubs’ new foreign owners, but it is well known that the current economic powers include China, India, Brazil, Russia and the Gulf region among others. In this respect, another one of the consequences/indicators of a post-modern football era that is characterised by commercialisation is the takeover by investors as a way of injecting capital into the clubs. Over half of all English Premier League clubs now have majority shareholders who are not of British origin; the Championship (English football’s second tier) may be moving towards a similar trend, as is the rest of European leagues (Millward 2012, see also Nauright and Ramfjord 2010) Crucially, these are increasingly Arab investors. Debates on the consequences of football’s post-modern era of commercialisation raise a further important question, which is that of governance. The governance of football has been traditionally described as a pyramid, whereby the Federation of International Football Associations (FIFA) sits at the apex. Immediately below, the continental associations, such as the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) or the Asian Football Confederation (AFC) are the governing bodies at 12

continental level. The pyramid then goes down to the each country, where national football associations, professional football leagues, clubs and players used to be firmly situated at the bottom of the pyramid (García 2007, 2009). For a long time, the power within the geopolitics of football lied firmly in Europe and, to some extent, America. As an example, football’s flagship competition, the FIFA World Cup was always organised in either of the two continents for a long time between 1930 and 1998. It was only in 2002 when Japan and Korea were awarded the first World Cup outside Europe or America. Since then, the tensions between the traditional focus of power (the centre) and the periphery has been rising. The organization of the 2010 World Coup in South Africa was the first for the African continent and, to a certain extent, it did not raise many protests. However, FIFA’s recent decision of awarding the 2022 World Cup to Qatar, in the Gulf region, has been severely criticized in Europe, by the press, politicians and football officials alike. There seems to be a clear tension emerging here, with FIFA’s willingness to take football to new markets, whilst European football tries to keep its position in the governance of the global game. Therefore, the increasing influence of Arab capital in European clubs can only add to this already complex network of economic and political interests. Thus, in this section we have so far outlined the historical evolution of football and the economic and governance consequences of the recent commercialisation and globalisation of the game. We have also pointed out the rise of the Gulf region as an economic and political power in football’s governance. The available academic literature has clearly identified the arrival of foreign owners as one of the characteristics of the commercial development of European professional football. An increasing number of those foreign owners are of Arab origin, which raises questions around economic investment, football’s cultural identity in Europe and the relations between western and Arabic cultures. Having identified this trend, there are still two key questions to be answered in order to understand this process: why the Arabian Peninsula is becoming such a lucrative destination for major sports events and brands? How do we explain the interest of the Arabian Gulf investors in international football? The paper now turns to outline the main arguments that the literature has put forward to give tentative answers to these questions. This shall conclude our review of the literature that provides the context for the paper. The commercialization of sport in the Arabian Peninsula Having established the rising importance of Arab capital for European football, this section now seeks to explain the interests for the investors themselves. It reviews the strategic decisions made in the Arabian Gulf region that have motivated their investment in European football clubs. First and foremost, the literature clearly points out that the interest in football clubs is not just a hobby of a few rich businesspersons. It is actually part of a well planned wider strategy that involves other sports beyond football. Large investments are made in the Gulf countries in the staging and sponsoring of the world’s leading sports events and in the building of sporting infrastructures. The aim 13

is to open the Arabian Peninsula to the world of business and finance and to establish a global reputation as a leading destination for the staging of international sporting events. This is clearly illustrated in the following statement by the managing director of Dubai Duty Free (owned by the Al-Maktoum family): Whenever and wherever we can, we reinforce the message that Dubai Duty Free is one of the top airport retail operations in the world, and sports sponsorship is an extremely effective way of spreading that message (Barnes and Britcher 2004, n.p).

As an illustrative example of the growing interest of the Gulf States in the sport industry, Table 2 (below) provides examples of major sponsorship deals of state airline companies with major sports clubs and international competitions. The race to sponsor major football and sport events, as well as particular clubs, by major Gulf airlines has been conceptualised as a battle for the domination of the European sport sponsorship industry (Amara 2012). At this point it is necessary to remember that these are state-owned airlines and, therefore, they are another instrument of the Gulf region’s economic and political elite’s strategy to develop their business through the sport industry (Amara 2012). Table 2. Sport sponsorship by major Gulf region airlines (Amara 2012). Company

Emirates

Sponsorship

Type

FIFA

FIFA Partner from 2007 to 2014 (estimated at up £25 Million per Year)

Arsenal

£357 million naming of Arsenal Stadium until 2021

Paris St Germain

Shirt branding until the 2013–2014 season

Hamburger SV

LED boards at Noordbank Arena from 2006 to 2015

Olympiacos CFP

Fly Emirates’ signage displayed at the Karaiskaki Stadium, the home of Olympiacos.

AC Milan

Branding and sponsorship at San Siro Stadium until 2010. AC Milan shirt sponsor since 2010. The shirt sponsorship is a 4 year deal with a reported value of €60 m

Real Madrid

A five-year sponsorship agreement (as partner and official airline of the club) that has then been extended to become the club’s shirt sponsor from the 20013-14 season

Asian Football Confederation

Official sponsor and official airline of the AFC (until 2012)

Rugby Union

Partner of Rugby World Cup 2011; First official sponsor of the IRB’s panel of international referees until 2011; Title sponsor and official airline of the London Sevens from 2004 to 2011; Official shirt sponsor of the England and Samoa Sevens team; Shirt sponsor of Australia’s Super 14 rugby team until 2013

Yacht racing

Emirates Team New Zealand sponsorship since 2004

Powerboat racing

Sponsorship of the Dubai leg of the UIM Class 1 World Powerboat Championship since 1992

Golf

Official Airline of 15 golf tournaments

(UAE)

Cricket

Official partner of the ICC Cricket World Cup 2011

Horse racing

Sponsor of the $3 million Emirates Airline Breeders’ Cup Turf and the $2 million Emirates Airline Breeders’ Cup Filly & Mare Turf races at the annual Breeders’ Cup World Championships

Tennis

Official carrier for the Dubai Tennis Championships since its inception in 1993

Sailing

Official airline partner of Dubai Grand Racing since 2004

Cycling

Airline official partner of World’s First Major Cycling Race Of 2011 in Doha

Field Hockey

Title sponsor of the EuroHockey Nations Championships 2007

Tennis

Official carrier of the Qatar ExxonMobil Open 2011 tournament in Doha

Cricket

Official airline status with the English Test Match Grounds

Powerboat racing

Sponsor of an international powerboat championship race (Doha leg)

Golf

Sponsorship of the Commercial bank Qatar Masters

Football

Official airline to Qatar’s bid to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup

Melbourne Stadium

Naming of Melbourne Stadium (Etihad Stadium)

Formula 1

Title sponsor of the Formula 1 Etihad Airways Abu Dhabi Grand Prix.

Qatar Airways (Qatar)

Etihad Airways Golf (Qatar)

Rugby

Main sponsor of the Harlequins Rugby FC, a UK Premiership rugby team

Football

Official shirt sponsor, partner and stadium naming rights of Premier League side Manchester City.

Formula 1

Sponsorship of the Gulf Air Bahrain Grand Prix (from its inception until 2010)

Football

The official sponsor of the Oman Football Association (OFA) (the national Senior, Olympic, Under-19 and Under-17 teams); sponsor of Championship football club Queens Park Rangers

Gulf Air (Bahrain)

Diamond sponsor and official airline for the Abu Dhabi Golf Championship

As it can be seen, the sponsorship portfolio covers a wide range of sports, clubs and events, both in Europe, the Gulf region and beyond. To explain the rationale behind Emirates Airlines’ sponsorship agreement with Arsenal Football Club for the naming rights of Arsenal’s new £357 million stadium, Sheikh Ahmed bin Saeed Al-Maktoum, Chairman of Emirates Airlines, states that (Emirates 2013): Sport sponsorship provides an international platform to connect with our customers. We believe sponsorship is one of the best ways of getting closer to our customers. It allows us to share and support their interests and to build a personal relationship with them. There is no greater vehicle for this than through English football and we are looking forward to a long and very happy relationship with Arsenal.

The most spectacular investment, which received worldwide media coverage and announced a new trend for Arab investment in international football market, is the takeover of the English Premiership football club Manchester City by Abu Dhabi United Group for Development and Investment (ABUG). According to a number of estimates, ABUG paid £150 million to become the major shareholder of the club. Through Hydra Properties, ABUG is already involved in several sports sponsorship deals, and is building a new football academy in Abu Dhabi with Italian soccer giant Inter Milan (Amara 2012). The saga of Arab investments in the global industry of football has continued with the takeover, in 2010, of Málaga Football Club in Spain by Sheikh Abdullah bin Nasser Al-Thani, member of the Qatar Royal family in Qatar, for an estimated cost of €36 million that include the payment of the club’s debt, with the promise to invest €70 million for the building of a new stadium (Amara 2012). In the same year Qatar Sport Investment (QSI) first acquired 70 percent shares of PSG. In June of 2012 the rest of the shares (30 percent) were bought by QSI from US company Colony Capital, to become the sole owner of the club6. The purchase of PSG is part of a wider Qatari investment in France7. Al-Jazeera bought parts of the broadcasting right of the French league from 2012-2013 for €61 million a year, and paid the same amount for the broadcasting (including on internet and Mobile) of 133 matches in France of the UEFA Champions League. It is worth noting here that the director of QSI is also the director of Aljazeera Sport and the CEO of PSG. Kuwaiti investors have also joined the race for the acquisition of foreign football clubs. On July 10 2012, Al-Hasawi family, who made their fortune in refrigeration and air-conditioning, announced their takeover of the Championship club Nottingham Forest8. Table 3 (below) provides some initial figures about the amount and the type of Arab investments in European clubs. One could argue that Gulf states’ worldwide investment in sport in general and in football in particular is facilitated by a strong network between political and business elites, including members of royal families, states’ sovereign wealth funds (such as Qatar Investment Authority), local private companies — and foreign associates — specialised in tourism, retail, hospitality and luxury products (Amara and Theodoraki 2010). This networking between the local and global political and corporate interests is not necessarily dictated by an orthodox politico-ideological agenda. For instance, the Arab-Israeli conflict was not an obstacle for the alliance between businessmen

QSI has acquired the remaining 30% stake in Paris Saint-Germain in a deal that values the French Ligue 1 club at €100 million. Retrieved from http://www.sportbusiness.com/news/185199/qsicompletes-psg-buy-out. 7 It is estimated that Qatar has invested 6 billion euros in France. Qatar Investment Authority has shares in: France Telecom (1%), Lagardere (13%). LVMH (1%), Total (3%), Veolia (5%), Vinci (8%), Vivendi (5%). Source Marianne: 5-11 January 2013. 8 Nottingham Forest sold to Kuwait's Al-Hasawi family from Doughty estate for a nominal fee; Retrieved from http://www.dailymail.co.uk/sport/football/article-2171720/Nottingham-Forest-soldKuwaits-Al-Hasawi-family.html#ixzz2JNVOyNOF. 6

Table 3. Arab capital investment in European football clubs. Country UAE

Club

Investor

Manchester City Abu Dhabi United Group for Development (England) and Investment (ABUG)

Investment €175 million

UAE

TSV 1860 München

Hasan Abdullah Mohamed Ismaik, chair 49 percent of voting rights and owner of MARYA, a private Abu Dhabi for €18 million based investment company sports, design, construction, real estate, automotive, travel, energy and oil and gas.

Qatar

Málaga FC (Spain)

Sheikh Abdullah bin Nasser Al-Thani

€36 million share, €70 million investment

Qatar

PSG (Paris)

Qatar Sport Investment

Total of €140 million (€100 million per year up to 2016 for the transfer of players)

Kuwait

Nottingham Forest

NFFC Group Holdings Ltd (Al Hasawi family. Specialised in property, hotels and air conditioning)

According to estimates, the planned spending is up to €30 million.

Source: Own elaboration from the Gulf region and from Israel. Sulaiman El-Fahim, chairman of the Arab Union for Real Estate Development, who is also linked with Inter Milan Soccer Academy in Abu Dhabi, and Al-Faraj family from Saudi Arabia, which is said to be related to Sabic, the Gulf’s biggest petrochemical company, worked closely with Israeli intermediates specializing in banking and property for the takeover of the then English Premiership club Portsmouth FC. The club was previously owned by Alexandre Gaydamak, French-Israeli businessman of Russian descent, described by Forbes magazine (2009) as a ‘son of controversial businessman and former Jerusalem mayoral candidate Arcadi Gaydamak. These nonconformist alliances between business and politics within and beyond the Gulf region have opened the door in Europe for speculations about the true agenda behind Gulf States’ global investments in sport (as well as in other sectors) and its impact on the governance of sport in general and in football in particular. This is illustrated in the following statement by Daniel Bilalian, head of sport for the state-owned France Television Network, reflecting on Aljazeera (BeInsport) investment in France: These people do not present themselves as wanting a return on their money. It is political – they want their country to be known […] From an economic point of view, [Al Jazeera] act unreasonably. The fact is that their priority is Qatar's influence in the world (Randal 2011)

In conclusion, the investment of Arab capital in European football is just part of a wider, and carefully designed, plan to increase the economic and political stature of the Gulf States worldwide. It is characterised by an inextricable combination of private and public capital, working together with a twofold objective. On the one hand, Gulf States want to be recognised as important and profitable business 17

destinations in a diversity of sectors, not just sport. This basically means their objective is to attract investment. On the other hand, the Gulf States aim to use their own capital to invest abroad to establish a wider network of economic, political and sporting influence. In short, the literature points out that this is a carefully designed strategy that even bridges over the Arab-Israeli conflict for the benefit of business, if necessary. In this strategy, sport in general (and football in particular) has been identified as one of the best opportunities, as it is both a business and a social venture. This section completes now the conceptual and historical review of the literature in relation to our paper’s topic. It has been established how Arab takeovers are one of the characteristics of European football’s commercialisation. This, in turn, raises questions of economic management, governance and identity of football clubs. It has also been pointed out that the increased Arab investment in European football is part of a wider and carefully designed strategy by political and business elites in the Gulf Region. The paper turns now to present the results of our empirical research. First, though, a short section outlines our methodological considerations.

Methodological considerations Having conducted a review of the relevant literature to set the paper’s context, this section describes our data collection and strategy for analysis. This paper has used a qualitative case-study design through inductive thematic analysis of written sources. The qualitative case study approach adopted in this study facilitates the exploration of the complex context of glocalisation of football, the international shift of the governance of professional football and the increase of Arab capital (particularly from the rich Gulf states) into European football. The idea behind case study approach, as explained by Yin (2003, quoted in Baxter and Jack 2008: 545) is to ensure that ‘the issue is not explored through one lens, but rather a variety of lenses which allows for multiple facets of the phenomenon to be revealed and understood’. The case studies selected are PSG and Málaga. France and Spain are both dominant football nations in Europe, among the Big 5 leagues, as it has been explained above. They are both confronted by strong regional football identities (Basque, Galician and Catalan regions in Spain; Basque and Corsica in France) as well as by similar global trends of commercialisation and increased movement of players and capital. Top clubs in France and Spain are looking for external sources of funding to tackle the impact of economic recession, which is even deeper in the latter case (see Barajas and Rodríguez 2010 for details on the financial situation of Spanish football). While Spanish clubs have been relatively more open to foreign investment, French clubs, at least until recently (PSG and Monaco), took a more conservative approach to external funding and particularly foreign ownership. Thus, the selection of the two cases shall also allow for a comparative approach of the reaction to Arab investment coming from different traditions of foreign ownership.

In relation to this paper, Arab investment in Spain cannot be explained only in rational economic terms, taking into account the shared history of Spain with the Arab world. PSG as a football club has a unique identity as it is the only top club in Paris (it is the club of the French capital), while Malaga is comparatively a smaller/regional club. One could argue that the significance and symbolism of Qatar’s investment in these two clubs are different. Having said that, both clubs stem from major cities in their countries and both have a history of prowess and high achievements. In this case, PSG certainly tops Málaga. The latter, whilst being a relatively well established club, has not seen major trophies unlike PSG who has even won European club competitions. To make the data manageable, for the case of Málaga, we used the Lexis-Nexis database to access the local newspaper Sur and the national newspapers El País and El Mundo. Lexis-Nexis provides remote online access to digital content of the publications, allowing to search by keywords and date, among other criteria. These three newspapers were chosen as they comprise a local publication in the area of Málaga and two reputed national newspapers of different ideological line. Whilst El País is identified with the centre-left, El Mundo tends to align with centre-right ideologies. The inclusion of a local news outlet is of paramount importance given the links of football to local identity in Europe (García 2010). Moreover, the most basic premise of information and communication theory suggests that news tend to be covered more closely if they are closer to the target public of the media outlet. Thus, local Málaga media will feature a more comprehensive coverage of their football team’s ventures than national Spanish media. For this paper the search extended two calendar months either side of the date of the formal takeover of Málaga by Sheikh Abdullah bin Nasser Al-Thani, June 10th 2010. The keywords used were ‘Málaga’, ‘compra’ (takeover), and ‘nuevo dueño’ (new owner). As for the French case the analysis focused on series of articles devoted to Qatar investment in France published between December 2011 and January 2013 in Marianne Magazine, which ideologically sits more on the left. The main research effort consists of analysing the news and articles published during the period of the take overs. The aim is to describe the relationship and meaning of different words and phrases used within the text; it is useful for providing an insight into major opinions and beliefs held regarding the particular subject, identifying the main consensus of the media as a whole (Gratton and Jones, 2010) . Whilst the limits of written press analysis are acknowledged, even more in today’s social media era, it is submitted here that these can still yield interesting results as to how Arab takeovers are perceived. Hence, the thematic analysis deployed in this paper is based on an inductive approach, which seeks to extract themes and make sense of them in relation to the ways they were constructed/produced in the text, as well as in relation to broader (societal) contexts. Selected articles were first read and their content coded to allow the further classification of information and to assign meaning to words and phrases (Miles and Huberman, 1994). The articles were inductively organised into broader 19

themes, which form the basis of this paper. The analysis thus seeks to understand the interplay between culture, business and politics in the global sport system as depicted in the two selected case studies. We do not claim that the selected press content is representative of French and Spanish opinions but they are only illustrative examples by which we can make sense of the general mood around Arab investment in football in France and Spain. The paper now proceeds to present the result of our empirical research. This will be done in two parts: we deal first with the case of PSG to move then to Málaga.

Qatar, France and PSG: Money and geopolitics One of the key themes that emerged from French media coverage of Qatar’s investment in PSG, the club of the French capital, is the link between “money and geopolitics”. There is an overemphasis of the small size of Qatar, in terms of territory and demography, in contrast to its huge appetite for business ventures in Europe. France is described as the door for Qatar’s invasion of Europe. An article published in Marianne Magazine on 7th December 2011, under the title ‘Qatar invents Sport Power’9, Qatar is described as ‘a mini-petro-monarchy’, ‘authoritarian’ with the ambition of becoming ‘a hyper sport power’, being already a media empire, thanks to Aljazeera News channel. Organisation de la coupe du monde 2022, mondial de hand 2015, mondiaux d’athlétisme 2017, premier sponsor maillot du Barça avec la Qatar Foundation, transport des cyclistes du Tour de France avec Qatar Airways. Et l’appétit glouton de cette mini-pétromonarchie autoritaire est insatiable, avec la France pour met préféré [The organisation of the 2022 FIFA World Cup, the 2015 World Championship in handball, the 2017 World Athletics, Qatar Foundation sponsorship of Barça shirt, transport of cyclists for the Tour de France by Qatar Airways. The growing appetite of this mini authoritarian oil-monarchy is endless, with France as a preferred destination] (emphasis added). (Marianne Magazine, 7TH December 2011).

According to some analysts in France interviewed by Marianne Magazine, Qatar is building up a network (i.e. a zone of cultural influence) around sport and football. It is claimed that Qatar has influence in the IOC, presence in major football clubs, it is leading the Asian Football Confederation, and hosting the 2022 World Cup. Aljazeera Sport Network owned by the Qatari state has TV rights for major football competitions/tournaments. These illustrate the international geo-politic strategy of Qatar in and through sport. Qatar a des pions au CIO, et s’il a été malheureux avec sa candidature à la présidence de la Fifa – il a tout de même remporté l’organisation de la Coupe du monde en 2022, il est à la tête de l’association asiatique (AFC) et présent dans des grands clubs

Since then Marianne Magazine devoted two editions about Qatar: «Comment ils ont livré la France au Qatar» (5-11 January 2013) and «Le Qatar a l’assaut de la France …et de ses banlieues» (27 April-3 May, 2013). 9

comme le Barça (Qatar Fondation, sponsor maillot pour plus de 30 millions par an). La chaîne qatari Al Jazeera Sport est présente dans le monde entier avec des droits dans beaucoup de sports. Dans ce cas, on parle davantage d’une stratégie géopolitique internationale dans le sport [Qatar has its agents in the IOC, although it was not successful with its bid for the presidency of FIFA, Qatar has been successful for its bid for the 2022 FIFA world Cup. Qatar is leading Asian Confederation of Football and present in major clubs such as Barça (Qatar Foundation is paying 30 million Euros a year to be the official sponsor of Barça shirt). The Qatari channel Aljazeera Sport is present everywhere holding the broadcasting rights of many sports. In this case it is more accurate to talk about a strategy of international geopolitics in sport] (Marianne Magazine, 7th December 2011).

The same magazine devoted an extended dossier in its January 2013 edition, this time using a more virulent narrative exemplified in the title ‘CAC 40, Sport, Television, Banlieues10: they delivered France to Qatar’. ‘They’ here refers to governments under former president Nicholas Sarkozy (representing the right) as well as under current president Francois Hollande (representing the left). It is used to explain the continuity of French governments’ strategy on the one hand, and questions the ideological divides between right and left in French politics today. The document starts with the following account, which announces the editorial position of the magazine, i.e. protectionist and to some extent anti-Qatari. Sous Sarkosy comme avec Hollande, le richissime émirat dispose des mêmes facilités pour racheter des pans entiers de notre économie. Que signifie l’appétit d’ogre de petit pays ? Pourquoi Paris lui ouvre-t-il ses portes ? [Under Sarkozy as under Holland, the wealthy emirate has under its disposition the same facilities to buy large chunks of our economy. What is the significance of the bulky appetite of this small country? Why Paris has opened its doors [to Qatar?] (Emphasis added) (Marianne Magazine, 5th January, 2013, p. 12).

The opening article goes as far as to question the logic behind offering Qatar the 2022 FIFA World Cup, describing the privileges – bestowing gifts — that Qatar received from the high sphere of politics in France: Organiser la Coupe du Monde de football dans un pays ou ce sport n’intéresse personne et va nécessiter la construction de stades munis de sols réfrigérants pour pouvoir supporter des températures a 45 C (bonjour Kyoto!) ca n’interpelle personne dans le monde su sport- pas même Michel Platini- ni dans celui de l’écologie…le president a meme donne de sa personne en faisant pression dur le président du PSG, Sébastien Bazin, gérant du fond Colony Capital, pour lui demander de vendre le PSG selon les conditions du Qatar. Bazin proposait au Qataris 30% du club de foot parisien pour 30millions d’euros. Après intervention presidentielle, ils en ont récupéré 70% pour 40%. (ils sont désormais propritaires) [Organising the World Cup

The term banlieues is usually used to describe the periphery or the estates suburbs of French cities. It is becoming a general term used in the French media to refer to “deviant multiculturalism”, “antirepublicans”, “Islamism” and “social unrest”. Qatar announcement to invest at the level of 50 million Euros in les Banlieues, targeting mainly small enterprises, has created a controversy in the French media and particularly among far right circles. The political establishment in France is simply accused of delivering part of French territory to so-called “Islamist Wahabi ideology”. 10

in a country where sport does not interest anybody and where it necessitates the building of stadia equipped with refrigerated floors to support the heat, 45 degrees (good morning Kyoto!) does not call to mind anybody in the world of sport— even Michel Platini—nor in the world of ecology…The president himself [Sarkozy] gave his person in putting pressure on the president of PSG, Sebastien Bazin, the manager of Colony Capital, to sell PSG according to Qatar’s conditions. Bazin proposed to Qatar 30% of the club for 30 million Euros. After the president’s intervention Qatar bought 70 % of the club for 40 million (they now own 100 % of the club)] (Marianne Magazine, 5th January, 2013, p. 12).

For Marianne, Qatar investment in sport in France cannot be explained in mere economic terms. Hence, it is a political phenomenon resulting from the pervert consequences of globalisation which allows small-peripheral wealthy countries to acquire tremendous political influence. The following section analyses the reaction of the local and national press to the arrival of Sheikh Al-Thani to Málaga. This was not the first takeover by foreign capital of a Spanish club, but it was the first club taken over by an Arab investor in the country. Whilst the search included two national newspapers, it is not surprising that the large majority of the articles returned were published in the local daily Diario Sur.

Málaga’s perception of their new owner The analysis of the press reports on Málaga’s takeover has revealed three main themes. The first two themes could be categorised as direct reactions to the takeover itself. Basically, the media try to answer a very simple question: will the new owner be positive of negative for our club? In this respect, there are completely opposing views. On the one hand, there is a positive discourse that sees a historical opportunity for Málaga (both the club and the city) to reach new heights in Spanish and European football. On the other hand, there is a more cautious approach that questions the motives of the new owners and wonders whether they might represent a threat to the club’s local history and identity. This is mostly expressed through fears that the new owners might want to change the club’s colours, the jersey or whether the new owners will invest in the local football academy or not. Thus, there is both a positive and a more hesitant (at times negative) discourse around the takeover. What is perhaps more interesting, beyond the mere presence of contrasting discourses, is that it is extremely difficult to disassociate both themes from each other. For each positive account there is almost invariably a more hesitating account. In a way, the perfect analogy for this is that of a double-edged sword. The takeover is seen as both edges at the same time, and one cannot be understood without the other. The third theme identified requires some more abstract reasoning, but it is also clearly present: the characterisation of the new Arab owners of Málaga. Sometimes this is simply factual but in other cases it develops into a social construction. The ways in which the new owners are described in the press make for a very interesting characterisation. These main themes are now analysed in turn. The section first deals 22

with that double-edged approach to the takeover. It then goes on to present the characterisation of ‘El jeque’, Málaga’s new owner. Opportunity of development versus the risk to history and tradition The most common way to describe the takeover of Málaga in the press is the Spanish expression ‘salto de calidad’ (quality jump). It is expected that the new money will allow the club to improve its ailing status: El jeque qatarí es el personaje clave de la nueva trayectoria del Málaga. Está dispuesto a hacer una inversión importante para que el club dé un salto de calidad y pueda competir con los equipos más fuertes del fútbol español. Ocupará la presidencia y ya es el dueño de la entidad desde el pasado viernes [The Qatari sheikh is the key person in the future of Málaga. He is willing to invest heavily in the club to give a quality jump in order to compete with the strongest teams in Spanish football. He will be the club chairman and he is the owner since last Friday] (Diario Sur 2010b).

There is mention of this project being the ‘Most ambitious in Málaga’s history’ (Diario Sur 2010c) that shall aim as high as playing the Champions League (Diario Sur 2010d). Perhaps the best summary of this feeling is an article in Diario Sur titled ‘Ilusión colectiva’ (Collective excitement), that refers to football as one of the few possibilities of evasion from the hard economic crisis: Nos tenemos que agarrar a la pelota, la misma que a nivel local ha ilusionado a la sociedad por la llegada de un jeque con el que se intuye que podríamos salir de pobres [We have to rely on football, which at local level is raising people’s hope thanks to the arrival of the Sheikh. He will, hopefully, take us out of poverty] (Diario Sur 2010e)

The objective of playing the Champions League, which is a symbol of football prowess, represents perfectly the high levels of hope that the arrival of the new owner created in Málaga. That was certainly a very positive vision because it had the potential to raise the level of the club. It has taken two years, but in the 2012-13 season, Málaga has actually participated in the UEFA Champions League, which sees almost a celebration with a sellout crowd for every game irrespective of the results. Málaga performed well in the competition, driving high the spirits in the city. Málaga progressed through the group stages and was only knocked-out of the competition in the quarter finals by the runners-up Borussia Dortmund. Thus, the possibility of sporting success linked to new capital is perceived as a positive outcome of the takeover. In that respect, the origin of the capital is probably superfluous, as any injection of new money into the club is likely to be well received. There is, however, a nuance to that. The new owner is not only perceived to be as an investor but, crucially, as an incredibly wealthy business man. There is repeated mention in the press of the affluent economic situation of Qatar, with reference to ‘petrodólares’ (petrodollars). The new owner is depicted almost as a having a bottomless purse (see below for more on this). In this respect, therefore, the Arab origin is rather positively perceived. The central idea is that the new owner does not

bring just money to the club, but a lot of money. For that reason it is thought that the club could ‘make history in the Spanish league’ (Diario Sur 2010f). Whilst a sense of anticipation is perceived in the press with the arrival of the new owner, there is also a very marked anxiety as to whether the Arab owners will respect the history and the identity of the club. This relates very clearly to the fear of the unknown, which is moreover reinforced by the very different cultural and even ethnic origin of the Qatari owner. In the days after the takeover, there are many reports as to whether the new owner will change the internal management structure of the club. Just two weeks after the change of ownership, the local Diario Sur (2010g), headlined: ‘La incógnita del futuro consejo de administración’ [The future club board is a mistery]. In the body of the article, the newspaper said: El nuevo propietario del Málaga tiene decidida la composición del nuevo consejo de administración del Málaga, en el que estarán familiares y asesores directos del jeque Abdullah Al-Thani. Pero se mantienen las dudas sobre la continuidad de algunos de los anteriores (actuales) miembros de este órgano para afianzar la identidad de la sociedad. [The new owner of Málaga has decided the composition of the new club board, which will feature family members and close advisers to Sheikh Abdullah AlThani. However, there are many doubts as to whether old board members will continue in their positions in order to reinforce and maintain the club’s identity] (Diario Sur 2010g).

Local political authorities in the city, quoted by Diario Sur (2010h) emphasize the need for continuity at the club. These politicians ‘hope’ that Sheikh Al-Thani decides to retain members of the old club board to ensure the identity of the club is not lost. Whether board members have any impact on a football club’s identity is of course questionable. In the same article there is a recurrent theme as to whether the outgoing owner and chairman, Fernando Sanz should remain onboard to advise Sheikh Al-Thani. Many of the quoted local political leaders express concern as to whether the new owner is willing to invest in the club’s academy which, in their view, is one of the key elements of the club’s identity. Thus, we can see here a very marked reluctance to change. Managing change and reluctance to change have been well researched in the academic literature. They are some of the biggest challenges for managers. In the sports sector this is further complicated because of the social and identity implications of football clubs. The press reports around the plans of the new owner on Málaga clearly demonstrate a level of anxiety that runs along the hope for a brighter future and that dreamed ‘quality jump’ that could enable the club to ‘make history’. The section moves now to explore the press’ representation of Málaga’s new owner. ‘El jeque’, a social construction of the new owner The second major theme emerging from the thematic analysis is the characterisation of Sheikh Al-Thani and a clear process of social construction of the new owner. We can identify two different levels in this process. First, there is a good deal of description and characterisation of Sheikh Al-Thani himself and his immediate 24

entourage. Second, we have identified a level of abstraction whereby the social construction is building an imaginary figure of a wealthy Arab businessman who is referred to quite simply as ‘El jeque’ (The Sheikh). This of course applies to Al-Thani, but it goes beyond him and it is used in a more general sense, even to affirm that many Spanish clubs would like to have ‘a Sheikh’. ‘El jeque’, therefore, is a socially constructed category of new football owner 11. The best combination of this is an article published by Diario Sur on 15 June 2010 titled, quite simply ‘El Jeque’ (The Sheikh): El jeque ha llegado. El Málaga CF entra en la historia del fútbol español por ser el primer equipo de la Liga patria que pasa a ser propiedad de un empresario del Golfo Pérsico, en este caso el jeque Abdullah Bin Nasser Al-Thani, hijo del ministro del Interior de Qatar y descendiente directo de la familia real de aquel país. Al-Thani es la nueva esperanza blanquiazul [The Sheikh has arrived. Málaga makes history of Spanish football by being the first club in the country to be owned by a businessman from the Gulf region. In this case, Sheikh Abdullah Bin Nasser Al-Thani, son of Qatar’s Home Affairs minister and direct descendant of the country’s royal family. AlThani is the new hope for the club] (Diario Sur 2010i).

The characterisation of ‘the sheikh’ is a mixture of orientalism and Western touches. Again, the tension between the unknown and the most familiar is also present in the descriptions of Sheikh Al-Thani. The new owner is portrayed as a successful businessman. There are numerous mentions to ‘petrodollars’ in clear reference to the wealthy economy of Qatar. There are also references to the relation to Qatar’s royal family. This could be interpreted as a message to set the high status, both socially and economically, of the new owner. With the occasion of Al-Thani’s first visit to Málaga after completing the takeover, newspapers report on the sheikh’s way of life using a good number of clichés: luxurious cars, enormous mansion by the sea, and a large number of servant. At the same time, given the very special historical relationship between Spain and the Arab world (even more especial in the case of Andalucía), the local Diario Sur makes use of the old word ‘Al-Andalus’, when reporting the interest of the Sheikh in investing in the region. This could be references both to the bright economic development of the region during the time of the Arab ruling or, contrariwise, a negative connotation depicting the investor as a coloniser (or a product of a reverse Reconquista). Whilst a good number of arabisation is found in this constructed image, it is interesting to find three elements that appear repeatedly: (1) The education in prestigious western (English in this case) universities, (2) the experience in managing

Nowadays it is very common to find in the Spanish press references to ‘the sheikh of that club’ or ‘a sheikh is coming’, when they are referring just to wealthy business people originating from the Gulf states, but who are not Sheiks at all. One of the paper’s co-authors even found recently a newspaper referring to Roman Avramovich, the Russian owner of Chelsea, as ‘Chelsea’s sheikh’. Even if this is only a repeated observation when reading the Spanish press, it is clear that this figure of ‘el jeque’ is constant in the media. At this point this is just an observation, but it deserves further research and conceptualisation. 11

football business in Qatar as member of the national FA board and club’s board, and (3) the sheikh’s success in business with the Western world. These clearly identify reassuring elements. There is a need to find elements to ensure that, despite coming from far away, the new owner is actually able to understand the local identity. There is a clear need to identify points of commonality with the western world, as well as a need to reassure the community of the vast business and football experience of the new owner. It is as if the community needs to construct an image of the new owner where they can be sure everything is going to go according to plan. Again, there is an interesting dynamic here of interest whilst, at the same time, a need to keep close references.

Conclusion To conclude, for the French case, the emphasis is on the political and ideological aspects, at the determent of economic/commercial account. Suspicion over Qatar’s investment in France and its increasing influence in French polity dominated the discourse of Marianne magazine. Although one could not claim that Marianne’s point of view is representative of French media, nor French public opinion, it replicates the current debate in France about Qatar’s increasing presence in diverse spheres of influence (culture, trade, media, and of course sport). For the Spanish case there are two major themes emerging from the press. The first theme is a clear ‘threat versus opportunity’ dichotomy. It is almost impossible to decide whether the vision of the takeover is positive or negative. For every positive comment, there is always a cautious approach to the unknown intentions of the new owner. That is especially true before the formal takeover and during the first weeks of the new regime, whilst it tends to disappear once the football season was in full swing. Related to that, there is also a sense of a lack of clarity and information about the plans and the intentions of the new owners. The second theme is a social construction of the new owners with a good degree of ‘arabisation’ or ‘orientalism’ in their characterisation. Here again one can find an interesting dichotomy. Whereas there is much attention paid to the Arab origin of the owner (clothing, cultural background, lifestyle, petrodollars, etc…), there is also a constant reference to his ‘European business education’ and his vast experience in football. It seems as if having experience in managing football issues and being educated in a western university combats the fear of ‘the unknown’. These are points to which the local population can relate and, thus, find a common (and safe) ground with the new owner. Last, but not least, the two case studies illustrate the new glocal dynamics and the emergence of new ‘centres’ in the international football system. For some, this is a good indicator for the globalisation of the football market. For others, it is rather a sign of fragmentation and relativism i.e. an international football system without a centre. This paper also raises a valuable debate on the governance of football in

today’s economic climate. It is interesting to investigate how the process of the investment of Arab capital in European clubs is perceived at the local level, including in other contexts that are not covered in this paper (i.e. in England and in Germany). Moreover, the issue of foreign ownership also raises questions of regulation and systemic governance (as compared to global governance). Indeed, it is not difficult to find voices in the European press claiming that foreign ownership (not necessarily restricted here to Arab capital) is a step too far in the commercialization of the game. The argument basically is that foreign owners have little knowledge of the national and local context of the game and, therefore, they cannot make well informed decisions in the management of their club. Thus, many quite simply would be in favour of not allowing foreign investment in clubs. Others, perhaps more pragmatic, prefer to demand robust ‘fit and proper person’ tests for those investors, in order to ensure that they have the best interests of the club at heart. In any case, whether it is banning or just controlling club ownership, the governance question is: who should take that decision? Should it be taken at continental or global level? Should it be regulated by public authorities or can football self-regulate?

References Allison, L. (1998) 'Sport and Civil Society'. Political Studies, vol. 46, pp. 709-726. Amara, M. and Theodoraki, E. (2010) 'Transnational network formation through sports related regional development projects in the Arabian Peninsula', International Journal of Sport Policy, vol. 2, no. 2, pp. 135-158. Amara, M. (2012) Sport, Politics and Society in the Arab World. London: PalgraveMacmillan. Barajas, A. and Rodríguez, P. (2010) 'Spanish FootballClubs’Finances: Crisis and Player Salaries', International Journal of Sport Finance, no. 5, pp. 52-66. Baxter P. and Jack, S (2008) 'Qualitative Case Study Methodology: Study Design and Implementation for Novice Researchers', The Qualitative Report, vol. 13, no. 4, December 2008, pp. 544-559 Available online at http://www.nova.edu/ssss/QR/QR13-4/baxter.pdf [Accessed 30/05/2013]. BBC Sport (2012) 'Udinese's Pozzo family complete Watford takeover', BBC Sport website, 29 June 2012, available online from: http://www.bbc.co.uk/sport/0/football/18646398 [Accessed 30/05/2013]., Beisecker, R. (2006) DP World and U.S. Port Security. Retrieved from http://www.nti.org/analysis/articles/dp-world-and-us-port-security [Accessed 29/05/2013]. Deloitte (2011) Annual Review of Football Finance: Pressure to Change. Manchester: Deloitte. Diario Sur (2010a) 'Sanz Y Su Esposa Firman La Venta Del Málaga Al Jeque Qatarí Ben Nasser'. Diario Sur, 12 June 2012. Diario Sur (2010b) 'Es El Propietario Del Club Desde El Pasado Viernes'. Diario Sur, 18 June 2010. 27

Diario Sur (2010c) 'El Málaga Más Ambicioso De La Historia'. Diario Sur, 7 August 2010. Diario Sur (2010d) 'La Liga De Las Estrellas Baja Al Suelo: Madrid Y Barça Reducen El Gasto, Pero Acaparan Más Del 50% De La Inversión En Fichajes'. Diario Sur, 24 August 2010. Diario Sur (2010e) 'Ilusión Colectiva'. Diario Sur, 29 June 2010. Diario Sur (2010f) 'Bienvenido Mr. Al-Thani: El jeque es la primera oportunidad real en mucho tiempo de un cambio de escala para el club de Málaga', Diario Sur, 13 June 2010. Diario Sur (2010g) 'La incógnita del futuro consejo de administración', Diario Sur, 25 June 2010. Diario Sur (2010h) 'Las autoridades, optimistas con el nuevo Málaga: Consideran que la llegada del jeque es positiva para el club y la ciudad, y apoyan la continuidad de Sanz', Diario Sur, 13 June 2010. Diario Sur (2010i) 'El jeque', Diario Sur, 15 June 2010. Downward, P.M., Dawson, A and Dejonghe. (2009) The Economics of Sports: Theory, Evidence and Policy, London: Butterworth-Heinemann. Emirates (2013) 'Emirates sponsorships', Emirates Airlines website, available online at: http://www.emirates.com/english/about/emiratessponsorships/sponsorships.aspx [Accessed 25/05/2013] García, B. (2007) 'UEFA and the European Union, from Confrontation to CoOperation?'. Journal of Contemporary European Research, vol. 3, no. 3, pp. 202223. García, B. (2009) 'Sport Governance after the White Paper: The Demise of the European Model?'. International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics, vol. 1, no. 3, pp. 267-284. García, B. (2010) 'The EU and Sport Governance: Between Economic and Social Values'. In M. Groeneveld, B. Houlihan and F. Oehl (eds.) Social capital and governance in European sport, London: Routledge, pp.21-40, Giulianotti, R. (1999) Football, a Sociology of the Global Game. Cambridge: Polity Press. Giulianotti, R. and Robertson, R. (2004) 'The Globalization of Football: A Study in the Glocalization of the 'Serious Life''. British Journal of Sociology, vol. 55, no. 4, pp. 545-568. Gratton, C. and Jones, I. (2010) Research methods for Sports Studies, Oxford: Routledge. Hamil, S. and Walters, G. (2010) 'Financial Performance in English Professional Football: An Inconvenient Truth'. Soccer and Society, vol. 11, no. 4, pp. 354-372. Harris, N. (2011) 'The Bollywood billionaires of Blackburn: The Indian family who could bring back the good times at Rovers', Daily Mail Online, 31 January 2011. Available online: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/sport/football/article-1347547/TheBollywood-billionaires-Blackburn.html [Last accessed 25/05/2013]

Huntington, S. (1993) The Clash of Civilizations? Foreign Affairs. http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/48950/samuel-p-huntington/the-clash-ofcivilizations King, A. (2002) The End of the Terraces: The Transformation of English Football in the 1990s. Revised edition. London: Leicester University Press. King, A. (2003) The European Ritual, Football in the New Europe. Aldershot: Ashgate. Marianne Magazine (2011) 'PSG,Champions League: le Qatar invente le "sport power", Marianne Magazine, 7 December 2011. Retrieved from http://www.marianne.net/PSGChampions-League-le-Qatar-invente-le-sportpower_a213316.html [Accessed 25/05/2013] Marianne Magazine (2013) 'Comment ils ont livré la France au Qatar', Marianne Magazine, no. 820, 5-11 January 2013. Marianne Magazine (2013) 'Le Qatar a l’assaut de la France …et de ses banlieues', Marianne Magazine, no. 836, 27 April-May 2013. Miles, M. and Huberman, A. (1994) Qualitative Data Analysis. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE. Millward, P. (2012) 'New football directors in the twenty-first century: Profit and revenue in the English Premier League’s transnational age', Leisure Studies, 1, pp. 116. Nauright, K. and Ramfjord, J. (2010) 'Who owns England’s game? American professional sporting influences and foreign ownership in the Premier League’, Soccer and Society, vol. 11, no. 4, pp. 428-441. Niemann, A., Garcia, B. and Grant, W. (eds) (2011), The Transformation of European Football: Towards the Europeanisation of the national game, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Parrish, R. and Miettinen, S. (2008) The Sporting Exception in European Union Law. The Hague: TMC Asser Press. Pitt-Brooke, J. (2012) 'Players' wages eat up record slice of revenues at Premier League clubs', The Independent, 31 May 2012. Available online from: http://www.independent.co.uk/sport/football/premier-league/players-wages-eatup-record-slice-of-revenues-at-premier-league-clubs-7804933.html [Accessed 30/05/2013] Randal, C., (2011) Al Jazeera Sports TV Sets Sights on Europe [online]. The National (the UAE), 26 January. Available from: http://www.thenational.ae/news/world/ europe/al-jazeera-sports-tv-sets-sights-on-europe [Accessed 1 May 2012]. Yin, R. K. (2003) Case study research: Design and methods (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

3. COMMENTARY Challenges for the Sport Education and Training Sector and the Role of the European Network of Sport Science, Education and Employment (ENSSEE) Karen Petry and Patrick Duffy Education and training is an integral part of the strategic choices for the implementation of the new EU competencies. The external environment and the institutional demand within education and training have changed in terms of the European Union’s policy. Now and for the near future, the “Education and Training 2020” objectives – the follow up of the 2010 work plan – are at the heart of this policy. For the European Network of Sport Science, Education and Employment (ENSSEE) the task of implementing EU policies and improving the quality and effectiveness of education and training systems in sports and physical education has been challenge for more than a decade. Since the first few years, the ENSSEE has been particularly successful in combining education and employability at European level and therefore it is the most widely recognised European association of institutions dealing with education and training in the sector of sport. The European non-profit association has been registered in France since 2003 and is continuing the business and pursuing the objectives of its predecessor, the ENSSHE (European Network of Sport Science in Higher Education), which was established in Luxembourg in 1989. The Network’s overall aim is to improve the quality, transparency and mobility of education and vocational training in sport as an essential element for a constant development and high quality in the sport sector, involving the participation of all European citizens. Due to its network character, the main achievements and activities of ENSSEE are manifold. For the most part, the organisation focuses on projects aimed at developing and promoting the sector of sports and sport sciences at the European (political) level



Karen Petry is a researcher at the Institute of European Sport Development and Leisure Study at the German Sport University in Cologne and Vice-President of ENSSEE. Patrick Duffy is Professor of Sport Coaching at the Leeds Metropolitan University, Chair of the European Coaching Council and Vice President for Europe for the International Council for Coach Education (ICCE).

dealing with education and training. It also seeks to help the sector to deal with the growing demand for sports facilities and to further promote it by reinforcing the competence basis of the human resources and organisations operating in the sector. This way it is possible to meet the societal demand to a large extent. Permanent subcommittees include Physical Education, Sport Coaching, Health & Fitness, Sport Management, Sport Employment and E-Learning in sport. After a Sport Education Forum held in Budapest in 2001, the General Assembly of the association decided to change its name to European Network of Sport Science, Education and Employment (ENSSEE and REISSE - Réseau Européen des Institutions de Sciences du Sport et pour l´Emploi) with a view to making the new strategic orientation of making the relation between education and employment more visible as a new core issue. Directly afterwards, ENSSEE implemented an EU-funded project in order to prepare the development of a Social Dialogue Committee in the sport sector (2001 till 2002) and has given further decisive contribution to the creation, guidance and support of European projects. The organisational development of ENSSEE and its former sub-groups is as follows: Year

Organisational development

1989

Establishment of the “European Network of Sport Science in Higher Education (ENSSHE)”

1993

“European Association of Sport Management (EASM)” established as a new organisation

1994

“Vocational Fitness” considered a sub group of ENSSHE

1995

“European College of Sport Science (ECSS)” established as a new organisation “European Committee for Sports History (CESH)” established as a new organisation

1996

ENSSHE is selected to be the thematic network for research, training and the study of qualification and employment in the field of sport by the European Union

1997

“European Observatoire of Sport and Employment (EOSE)” considered a sub group of ENSSHE

2001

ENSSHE becomes the “European Network of Sport Science, Education and Employment (ENSSEE)” “European Network of Fitness Associations (ENFA)” established as a new organisation renamed as the “European Health and Fitness Association (EHFA)”

2002

EOSE established as a new organisation

2003

Start of the “Aligning a European Higher Educational Structure in Sport Science (AEHESIS)” project

2005

“European Coaching Council (ECC)” considered a sub group of ENSSEE End of the AEHESIS project

2007

Launch of the European Sport Education Information Platform SOPHELIA that bundles upto-date information about sport education in Europe as result of the AEHESIS project

2008

The AEHESIS project gets nominated an “ERASMUS Success Story” by the European Commission

2009

ENSSEE’s 20th Anniversary and 10th Forum in Ragusa (Italy)

2013

“European Coaching Council (ECC)” established as a new organisation

For the past 20 years ENSSEE had worked on the harmonization of study programmes in the sport sector. This process found its climax in the “Aligning a European Higher Educational Structure in Sport Science (AEHESIS)” where almost 90 organisations from 29 European countries worked together successfully. The project was nominated for an “ERASMUS Success Story” in 2008 by the European Commission. The further exploitation of the results and the continuation of the progress of alignment need to be part of the agenda for the new EU competence in sport. It should be a goal for the Sport Unit to value the tool of Higher Education in sport in regards of its importance for the general development of the sector and the potential to further establish European added values. Since its inception, ENSSEE has developed a structure based on specialised subcommittees and working groups that have operated successfully by bringing together the leading experts in each area. In this regard, the ENSSEE Physical Education Committee, for instance, has developed a European Master’s Degree Programme as well as some European intensive programmes. In the area of Health and Fitness, a European Master’s Programme, which was established by twelve universities in Europe, was developed in 1995 by the ENSSEE sub-committee on Health and Fitness. The European Coaching Council (soon to establish as an independent legal entity) is currently leading an alignment process in coach education. Especially the field of coach education could enhance the incorporation of values and social skills as coaches play a central role in providing sport experiences for sportspeople at all stages and levels.

The way forward Employment within the sport and physical activity sector will make an important contribution to the social market economy of the EU and to the objective of achieving inclusive education and employment as well as to the quality of life of European citizens in the context of a set of policies more conscious of health and environmental issues. While several other organisations involved in sport education and employment have played a key role in responding to the emerging context within the EU, it has become apparent that fragmentation and duplication has become a feature of the landscape. In light of recent developments, there is a need for a more coherent approach that addresses the following issues:  Clear vision for the sector in terms of the overall definition of the sector; subsectoral definitions; employment and volunteer roles;  Establishment of an agreed occupational map and nomenclature for the sport and physical activity sector;  Alignment of training and education with the labour market and the European Qualifications Framework (EQF);  Representation of the sector on policy issues related to education, training and employment; 32

 Coherent response to EU initiatives and consultation processes;  Provision of technical advice and support to the EU, member nations and other key agencies on matters related to sport education, training and employment;  Creating awareness of the role of sport education, training and employment at European and national levels (the latter through national agencies and European networks).

XII ENSSEE Forum in Groningen (the Netherlands), 23-26 October 2013: “Sporthorizon 2020 – The EU Framework Programme for Research and Innovation” Within the last decade, the ENSSEE Bi-Annual Sport Education Forum1 has developed into a major European congress by providing the favourite meeting place for discussions at European level, where new topics in relation to sport education and training are discussed, explored and evaluated. During the next Forum in Groningen, participants will be informed on the main developments and issues concerning Physical Education, Coaching, Sport & Health and Sport & Management. Inspiration of participants will be ensured by key note speakers like Marc Lammers, former coach of the Dutch women's hockey team and Gold Medal Winner from Beijing 2008. Presentations of successful projects, innovations, and poster presentations will complete this pillar. The most important part of the forum, Innovation, will create ground-breaking project ideas – which are promising for EU funding – during creative and interactive sessions. For further information please visit http://www.enssee.eu.

Reference: Petry, K., Froberg, K., Madella, A., and Tokarski, W. (Eds.) (2008). Higher Education in Sport in Europe. From Labour Market Demand to Training Supply. Aachen: Meyer & Meyer.

The following Forums were organised by ENSSEE in the past: 1991 Estoril (Portugal), 1993 Bordeaux (France), 1995 Cologne (Germany), 1997 London (UK), 1999 Jyväskylä (Finland), 2001 Budapest (Hungary), 2003 Lausanne (Switzerland), 2005 Limerick (Ireland), 2007 Rio Maior (Portugal), 2009 Ragusa (Italy), and 2011 Paris (France) (see http://www.enssee.eu). 1

4. FORUM Sport&EU in cooperation with the Sport and Citizenship / Sport et Citoyenneté think tank launched a discussion on violence in sport in Europe. In an invited follow-up contribution to Bart Ooijen’s opening piece on the role and actions of the European Commission printed in the previous issue of the Sport&EU Review and available on Sport&EU’s website, Jonas Havelund and Lise Joern bring attention to some of the shortcomings of the existing regulation.

Categorisation of supporters: Beyond risk/non-risk Jonas Havelund & Lise Joern

Violence and other offences in connection with sports events have managed to particularly attract the attention of the media, regulators and legislators. Special national legislation has been brought in to attempt to curb the problems in several cases by criminalizing what would otherwise be lawful conduct such as having a beer in a private rented coach on the way to a sporting event. Much of this special legislation has been developed on the conception that offences at sporting events are primarily committed by ‘hooligans’, who are out impossible to reach, and therefore there should be a crackdown on their actions. However the reality often turns out to be something quite different, leading to individual voices, based on the ECHR, to question whether we are using the right tools to solve the problems. One of the tools at European level is increased police cooperation in the form of a pan-European training program for police officers, exchange of information in connection with international matches and the development of a common handbook for police action The exchange of information with the National Football Information Points requires a standardized vocabulary such as that given in the handbook. However this standardization is not unproblematic. For example, football supporters are categorized as being either “risk” or “non-risk”. What the risk is here is not specified, however, and the pair of opposites contains as few opportunities to communicate shades as do the colours black and white. But supporter culture is not black and white. It is many-coloured, multi-faceted and full of nuances. It is not one



Jonas Havelund and Lise Joern are with the Section of Sport Science at Aarhus University. They recently published in Sport&EU Review.

hom*ogeneous group, nor even two groups, which are either “risk” or “non-risk”. There are a numerous of more or less fixed interacting groups with very different values and boundaries of acceptable behaviour – and the more insight you have into these dynamics, the better the possibility of marginalizing the unwanted behaviour. It has been documented many times that the presence of “risk supporters” is not necessarily synonymous with risky situations and escalation, just as the absence of “risk supporters” does not guarantee that an event will develop without the risk of unrest. But the concepts are still used in spite of the unintended consequence that stereotypical perceptions may frame the way that police perceive supporters. This leads to a considerable risk that the outcome will be confrontational, with a negative result to follow (For an overview, see Stott & Pearson (2007). Football ‘Hooliganism’. Policing and the War on the ‘English Disease’, Pennant Books). Risk is dynamic and the result of interaction between different parties, so it requires the ability to decode the “counterparty's” modes of cultural expression in order to ensure a correct reading of a given situation and its level of risk. If not, there is a risk that actions may be seen as disproportionate and illegitimate, which can help to undermine public confidence in the police and the authorities. It is therefore essential that a greater focus is placed on the need to gain insights into supporter culture and use this knowledge in the drafting of legislation and, not least, in the handling of sports spectators. As Bart Ooijen mentions in his article “Violence in sport: What does the European Commision do?”, the EU Commission underlines the importance of investing more in social and educational measures to prevent violence in sport. In order to strengthening the quality of these measures it is crucial to base them upon research e.g. into supporter culture and its local, national and international cultural differences. Otherwise the measures, despite the intentions, risk missing the target. However, it is vital that there is a focus on how this knowledge can be applied and put into practice by the police and other authorities. And here it is essential that the knowledge-transfer between theory and practice goes both ways. The closer the exchange between theoretical knowledge and practical experience, the stronger the parties involved will be in overcoming the challenges they face. Links to recent publications written in the English language and accessible online Havelund, J., Joern, L. and Rasmussen, K. (2012). Danish Ultras: Risk or Non-Risk?. Sport & EU Review, 4 (1), 5-17. Havelund, J., Ilum, J., Jensen, M. A., Nielsen, B. P., Rasmussen, K., and Stott, C. (2011). Event policing - dialogue in the policing of mass events in Denmark. European Police Science and Research Bulletin (4th ed.). Hampshire: European Police College.

5. THE FREE KICK (4) Edited by Albrecht Sonntag ‘The FREE kick’ is a column about Football Research in an Enlarged Europe, a European interdisciplinary research project in the social sciences. The project will be running from April 2012 to March 2015.

In the books One thousand pages on the fundamental elements of Europeanness. One thousand pages on concepts and events, pieces of art and objects of consumption, on all these things that made Europe into what it is today. One thousand pages, three volumes, more than 120 entries by authors from over 15 countries, and not a single word on sport (or pop music, or cinema, for that matter). How can it be that this remarkable collective endeavour of conceptualising and bringing together European Lieux de mémoire – Europäische Erinnerungsorte1 (den Boer, 2012) – suffers from such a large blind spot when it comes to mass culture? In the third volume of this impressive collection, this is particularly bewildering. Under the heading ‘Europe and the world’, this last part of the series wishes explicitly to analyse how European influence has been received and acculturated by the world before being ‘re-imported to Europe in a different form’. Of course, colonialism, economic globalisation, racism, emigration etc. play an important role here, but what about football, the Beatles or the French film pioneers? Are these not relevant as cultural exports? Have they nothing to say about what it means to be European? When Pierre Nora, with his seven volumes of French Lieux de mémoire, published between 1986 and 1993 (Nora, 1993), not only coined a very successful new expression, but actually founded an entire stream of historical research (see, for instance, François and Schulze, 2001; Möller and Morizet, 1996; Hahn and Traba, 2012), he wanted to establish a rather exhaustive ‘inventory of material and immaterial places, in which collective memory is anchored’. The focus was no longer on the event as such, but on the manner in which its meaning was constructed over time and consolidated in collective memory. It is public discourse that turns a historical event, topographical place, real or fictional persons into an anchor point of memory and identity. This discourse is framed by the élite. As research on the history of nationalism has shown extensively, collective memories in Europe were created top-down by national élites who were successful in convincing the masses what elements were to be

Lieux de mémoire or Erinnerungsorte translates to ‘places of remembrance’ in English.

selected (or invented) and considered meaningful for the social group in the making. It is almost ironical that today the vast majority of memory researchers still adopt a very similar élite perspective. Popular culture is beyond their horizon. Football is not on their radar. Is it too trivial, too vulgar, too proletarian? In the huge (and often fascinating) literature based on Pierre Nora’s seminal concept I only found two small exceptions. In the 2nd volume of the German ‘Erinnerungsorte’ (François and Schulze, 2001), the renowned sports philosopher Gunter Gebauer was allowed to contribute an entry on the Bundesliga; and the more recent 3rd volume of the German-Polish ‘Erinnerungsorte’ (Hahn and Traba, 2012) includes a contribution by Diethelm Blecking on the (comparative) construction of meaning of specific football ‘miracles’. Some thirty pages among literally tens of thousands. This is disappointing and encouraging at the same time. The story of the contribution of football to European collective memory still has to be written. It is time to realise that in our communication environment dominated by audiovisual and increasingly social media, public discourse on what deserves to be remembered is no longer unilaterally determined by politicians, historians and editorialists. Of course, official collective memory still exists and continues to be cultivated, but is being complemented by a new kind of ‘wiki-memory’, which shifts the definition of what is ‘important’ to remember. And ‘importance’, even more so than beauty, lies in the eyes of the beholder. In the blind spot Collective memory is nothing static, it is a dynamic process. The pantheons of whom and what deserves to be remembered are in a constant flow of renewal and update. Under the waves of the information overload in today’s media society, many traditional lieux de mémoire, that had been cultivated and consolidated over centuries by those who dominated public discourse, have been washed out of the minds and memories of the populations and replaced by others. Are not many of us, even among those who benefitted from the massive democratisation of higher education since the 1970s, much more familiar with the black-and-white photos of Europe’s cinema stars, pop music legends and, yes, football players of the 1950’s and 60’s than, say, with the portraits of the European Community’s founding fathers? How many Frenchmen, who have no trouble spontaneously identifying the likes of Fernandel, Georges Brassens or Raymond Kopa with a nostalgic smile, still take Jean Monnet for the name of an impressionist painter? For how many Italians the names of Marcello Mastroianni and Sandro Mazzola simply bear more meaning to their lives than those of Alcide de Gasperi or Altiero Spinelli? And how many English students may duly read about Harold Wilson’s attempts to overcome De Gaulle’s veto against the UK’s accession to the European Economic Community, while the mental images that carry the collective memory of the 1960’s are those of Twiggy in mini-skirts, the Beatles crossing Abbey Road, and Bobby Moore holding the Coupe Jules Rimet at Wembley?

As these examples show, football is not the only popular culture that produces lasting memories. And as common sense suggests, collective memory does not revolve around football. There is indeed no reason to ascribe an overdose of ‘meaning’ to it. But it is no longer possible to leave the most popular of popular cultures in the blind spot of memory research. It is no longer possible to leave the traditional doctrines of ‘importance’ unquestioned. The relatively restricted circle of the bourgeois élite who traditionally defined what was ‘important’ for the society to remember, is no longer able to impose its definitions and discourses on the mainstream of democratic societies. In other words: people decide for themselves what is ‘important’ and they are fully entitled to perceive icons of everyday culture just as ‘important’ and perhaps more meaningful to their own lives than the traditional ‘canons’ of high culture and official history. In the thousand pages of the European Erinnerungsorte mentioned above, the canons are still valid. Quite a pity! In this vast exploration of European memory, it would have been particularly stimulating to juxtapose the classical entries from the high culture canons and their equivalents from popular culture. Why not compare the outreach and impact of the bourgeois Charlemagne Prize awarded each year by the city of Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle) and duly listed among the entries with the Ballon d’Or awarded to the European footballer of the year? Why not oppose the respective heritage of the literary Kaffeehaus and the proletarian football stadium? Why not confront the Treaties of Rome with the creation of the European cups? Or would it be too ‘risky’ to let the readers decide for themselves what his memory as European citizen is actually made of? In the wiki-memory The historians’ blind eye for football as meaningful part of collective memory is all the more surprising as Maurice Halbwachs, the pioneer theorist of collective memory, was well aware of the place of popular culture in national identity. As early as in Les cadres sociaux de la mémoire, written in 1925, he insisted on the importance of the apolitical and non-professional spheres of life: ‘We pretend that it is outside the function, in the part of society where men do not exert their professional activities, that the most important collective souvenirs are born and preserved’ (Halbwachs, 1994). When he developed his ideas ten years later in La mémoire collective – originally written between 1935 and 1938, but published only in 1950 some years after its author had been deported and killed in a concentration camp – Halbwachs emphasised the fact that history could only enter collective memory under the condition that it touched what he called ‘le grand public’. Quoting the example of the Mémoires de Saint-Simon that had been published at the beginning of the 19th century, but the study of which was ‘restricted to some specialists only’, to a ‘society of readers much too limited to touch a larger public’, he concluded that what remained of this important work ‘in today’s collective memory is only what still carries meaning to our societies, i.e., at the end of the day, very few things’ (Halbwachs, 1997). 38

Halbwachs drew the conclusion that quantitative aspects are just as important as qualitative ones. Historical facts, persons or events can only enter collective memory if the interest of the social group concerned is supported by media of all sorts: Throughout my life the national group I belonged to was the scene of a number of events which I pretend to remember, but which I knew of only through newspapers or witnesses...When I evoke them I am obliged to rely entirely on the memory of others, which in this case does not complete or reinforce my own, but which is the unique source of what I can repeat. (Halbwachs, 1997: 99) The essential role that Halbwachs ascribed to newspapers as transmitters of collective memory in the first half of the twentieth century – a crucial function in modern identity construction as Benedict Anderson has famously pointed out in his theory of ‘imagined communities’ – can only have grown in importance with the emergence and exponential development of mass media during the century’s second half. Today, the growing interactivity of web 2.0 has empowered people to become transmitters of memory in their own right. Just have a look at the pages of the remarkable Eines Tages (‘Once upon a Time’) project launched by the German newsmagazine Der Spiegel (http://einestages.spiegel.de/), where anybody is called upon to contribute to and browse through what is quickly becoming a kind of giant ‘wiki-memory’ (over 11,000 different authors have contributed over 50,000 pictures and documents so far). Eines Tages explicitly aims at narrating ‘How we became what we are’ (‘Wie wir wurden, was wir sind’), and the fact that heroes, artefacts and events of popular culture are treated without any hierarchical distinction from major personalities and milestones of political and economic history is significant for the people’s perception of what bears meaning for their lives. Similar trends can be observed in those regularly updated TV shows about popular votes for ‘The greatest Britons of all times’ (or French, or Germans, etc.), where Churchill and Shakespeare, Adenauer and Goethe, de Gaulle and Molière have serious trouble defending their ranks against challengers like Beckham and McCartney, Beckenbauer and Rühmann, Zidane and Piaf. Very clearly, it is no longer the editors of cultural canons and postal stamps who decide what is worth remembering. The result of this tendency is of course a fragmentation of memory and its interpretation, as well as a loss of sensitivity for hierarchisation within the huge offer of potential sites of memory; which is not necessarily a good thing. Quite the contrary: it is rather likely that this development may well be counter-productive for the cohesion of society in the long run. This having been said, the trend seems irreversible. There is no denying that popular culture, and particularly football with its inherent logic of tables, rankings and trans-generational comparison – is Messi better than Müller or not? – has established its own parallel Pantheon alongside the official Pantheon of (mostly national) historiography. And it is worth while exploring what role the memories produced by football and stored in the minds of a considerable number of individuals play in their self-perception and mutual perception patterns across the continent. 39

In the transnational focus Based on these premises and the theories of memory developed by Maurice Halbwachs, Jan Assmann (1992), Bernhard Giesen (2004), Paul Ricoeur (2000) and Aleida Assmann (2006), the FREE project’s historical research strands try to develop a transnational, European approach to understanding football memory. On a football-crazy continent, it is only natural that certain events, performances, personalities, places, even single moments of football history have been recognised as ‘relevant’ or ‘meaningful’ parts of the collective memory of individual nation-states. Almost each and every European nation has its moments of football glory and shame, triumph and trauma. Due to football’s fundamental design of binary opposition, it is also inevitable that many of football’s lieux de mémoire have a bi-lateral dimension, often framing the perception of the ‘Other’ involved. An almost funny example for such a memorial event of bi-lateral meaning was provided by the French television evening news on 8 July 2012. Across all channels there was due reference to the commemoration of the 50th anniversary of one the symbolic moments of French-German reconciliation: the solemn Te Deum in Reims Cathedral attended by Charles de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer, just some months prior to the signature of the Elysée Treaty. In the same news programmes, however, another Franco-German 8 July, the legendary 1982 World Cup semi-final in Sevilla, was commemorated with the same intensity and the well-known footing of Schumacher’s Kung-Fu attack on Battiston, the dramatic unwinding of extra time and the tragedy of the first ever penalty shoot-out in World Cup history. A coincidence of the calendar, certainly, but also a wonderful illustration for the above-mentioned vanishing of hierarchy of memories under the pressure of popular culture. The two commemorations make sense, both in self-perception and in the complex, often contradictory perception of the ‘Other’. One may wonder, however, whether the news programmes would actually have remembered the historical visit to Reims if the event had not been solemnly re-enacted by François Hollande and Angela Merkel. Without this massive political effort of commemoration, it is rather likely that television would have focused on the football event only… The question that the FREE project addresses to international football’s lieux de mémoire is whether their impact may go beyond such a bi-lateral dimension. In other words: does European football memory possess a distinctly European dimension of shared remembering? To what extent did European football represent a bridge between East and West during Cold War times? What role did European competitions play in the creation of a specific space of communication and memory? These are exactly the questions that were at the heart of the FREE conference ‘European Football and Collective Memory’ that was held in Stuttgart on 22 and 23 February 2013. On the one hand, there were several contributions to a theory of football as permanent producer of transnational media events, of images received all across the continent, of a massive and specific discourse. On the other hand, these processes were illustrated with a number of concrete case studies from the last sixty

years. At the end of two intensive days of academic exchange there was a large consensus that football memory is indeed a topic of great relevance for European society, whose scientific potential is by no means sufficiently explored and which requires innovative transnational approaches. At the same time, the case studies and ensuing discussions also reminded all participants that a good dose of scepticism is always a good companion when it comes to interpret football through the lens of the social sciences and that football researchers are well-advised to remain humble and prudent in their conclusions. For more detail, please refer to the conference presentations on the FREE website (see http://www.free-project.eu/news/Pages/PapersfromtheMemoryconferencearenowonline.aspx), as well as the conference report included in issue 3 of the FREE Newsletter (subscribe here: http://www.free-project.eu/Pages/Newsletter.aspx). In progress This year, football celebrates its 150th anniversary. For over a century it has been played on an international level. This is a period which is not only long enough to make the commemoration of specific events, persons and places possible and pertinent, but also to raise a need for the transmission across generations of what deserves to be remembered. Who, among the journalists of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, would have thought in November 1953 that fifty years later a match between England and Hungary would be worth a half-page of commemoration? Very clearly, football’s place in the memorial landscape has evolved over time… The historical work packages of the FREE project, after having organised their respective conferences in Besançon and Stuttgart, will now continue to travel on the research paths that have been opened. Work in progress! In the near future In the meantime, the project moves on to other topics. Two other events are scheduled this year. In June, the conference ‘Women’s Football: Played, Watched, Talked about’ will be organised in Copenhagen, with the aim to share information and knowledge about women’s football, the games and the players, the male and female fans as well as the media coverage (contact Gertrud Pfister at [emailprotected]). And for its conference on 25 and 26 October in Vienna, the project’s anthropological work package invites contributions that deal with football’s impact on everyday lives and identity dynamics in Europe. Proposals are welcome on the following research topics  How are supporter and fan identities created in the everyday practices of football fan culture?  How do globalisation, commercialisation, and migration exert an influence on football fan culture?  What impact do Europeanisation and the increasing mobility of both supporters and players have on the self-perception of football fans? 41

 How is the ‘Other’ created among fans? How are exclusion and inclusion practices enacted, narrated and reproduced?  What loyalties or antagonisms cross-cut European football, such as East vs. West and North vs. South, class, gender or politics? For further information or for submitting a paper proposal, feel FREE to contact Nina Szogs ([emailprotected]). References Assmann, A. (2006). Der lange Schatten der Vergangenheit. Erinnerungskultur & Geschichtspolitik. Munich: Beck. Assmann, J. (1992). Das kulturelle Gedächtnis. Munich: Beck. Den Boer, Pim et al. (Eds.) (2012). Europäische Erinnerungsorte (3rd vol.). Munich: Oldenbourg. Dietschy, P., Ranc, D. and Sonntag, A. (2009). ‘Parallel myths, popular maps’, Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society, 1 (2), pp. 125-144. François, E. and Schulze, H. (Eds.) (2001). Deutsche Erinnerungsorte (3rd vol.). Munich: Beck (available in a three-volume paperback version published in 2009). Giesen, B. (2004). Triumph and Trauma. London: Boulder. Hahn, H.-H. and Traba, R. (Eds.) (2013). Deutsch-polnische Erinnerungsorte (5th vol.). Paderborn: Schoeningh. Halbwachs, M. (1925/1994). Les cadres sociaux de la mémoire. Paris: Albin Michel. Halbwachs, M. (1935-38/1997). La mémoire collective. Paris: Albin Michel. Möller, H. and Morizet, J. (Eds.) (1996). Deutsche und Franzosen. Orte der gemeinsamen Geschichte. Munich: Beck. Nora, P. (Ed.) (1993). Lieux de mémoire (7th vol.). Paris: Gallimard (available in a three-volume paperback version published in 1997). Ricoeur, P. (2000). La mémoire, l’histoire, l’oubli. Paris: Seuil.

6. SPORT AND CITIZENSHIP Sport&EU recently started developing a partnership with Sport & Citizenship / Sport et Citoyenneté, a think tank which aims to promote the core values of sport in society. As part of this cooperation, the associations agreed to contribute views and perspectives to each other’s publications in an attempt to promote dialogue on topical issues in sport in Europe. More information on Sport & Citizenship can be found on their website, http://www.sportetcitoyennete.com.

The European Commission’s structured dialogue with sport Pedro Velazquez The structured dialogue with the sport movement was formalised in 2007 by the White Paper on Sport. In this policy document the Commission acknowledges the need to strengthen its dialogue with sport stakeholders at EU level and makes proposals to this end in the "Pierre de Coubertin" Action Plan. Dialogue in a more or less structured manner had taken different forms in the preWhite Paper era when the European Commission had initiated several consultations, meetings and conferences with sport governing bodies and other stakeholders to take into account their views when developing policy initiatives. This consultation process was intensified during the preparation of the White Paper which was to a large extent the result of the valuable contribution of sport stakeholders. The White Paper acknowledged the need for a more focused and structured debate on the future of sport in the EU namely in view of the preparation and the implementation of the new sport provisions contained in the Lisbon Treaty. In preparing sport initiatives based on the new EU competence for sport (Art. 165 TFEU) the Commission explicitly recognised the complexity and diversity of the European sports culture and the need to give sport stakeholders a say in EU policy making within an inclusive dialogue aimed at matching the various and sometimes diverging interests.



Pedro Velasquez is Deputy Head of the Sport Unit in the Directorate General for Education and Culture, European Commission.

European sport is indeed characterised by a large number of complex and diverse structures which enjoy different types of legal status and levels of autonomy in Member States. Moreover, European sport structures are generally less developed than their national and international counterparts, and they normally cover the entire continent and not only the EU. For the European Commission, regular and structured dialogue with the European sports movement is a key condition to ensure that the specific characteristics of sport are taken into account in EU policy-making, and to enhance knowledge on the side of the sport sector of the application of EU law to sport. Regarding dialogue partners for sport at EU level, the Commission is faced with the challenge to remain efficient while at the same time being inclusive – given the complex structures and the high number of organisations. A structured dialogue on sport at EU level can only be organised with and through key representatives of European sport such as:  European Sport Federations;  European umbrella organisations for sport, notably European Olympic Committees (EOC), the European Paralympic Committee (EPC) and European non-governmental sport organisations (ENGSO);  National umbrella organisations for sport and national Olympic and Paralympic Committees;  Other actors in the field of sport represented at European level, including social partners;  Other European and international organisations, in particular the Council of Europe's structures for sport and UN bodies such as UNESCO and the WHO. The main expression of the Commission’s structured dialogue with the sport movement is the annual “EU Sport Forum”, organised and financed by the Commission in order to offer a wide platform for discussion about sport at EU level. The Forum constitutes a regular platform for the exchange of views and consultations with sport stakeholders. It is organised in combination with an informal meeting of the ministers in charge of sport allowing for an interaction between sport representatives at European and national level and national governments. The next edition will take place in Vilnius on 30 September and 1 October 2013. Structured dialogue with the sport movement is also maintained through bilateral meetings and through the active participation of the Commission in conferences, symposiums, seminars, etc. organised by sport stakeholders. Since 2011 a new form of dialogue has taken place on the basis of the EU Work Plan for Sport that was established by the Council of the EU for a period of three years (mid-2011/ mid-2014). In order to support the implementation of the Work Plan, the Council agreed on the set up of six Expert Groups. The six Expert Groups cover the following areas: Anti-Doping; Good Governance in Sport; Education and Training; Sport, Health and participation; Sport Statistics; Sustainable Financing.

Sport stakeholders can request an observer status in this groups allowing them not only to witness but also to exercise an influence on the work of these groups who have prepared important EU documents such as the EU comments to the revision of the WADA Code or the Conclusions of the Council on establishing a strategy to combat the manipulation of sport results. The Commission has also maintained an open attitude towards a bilateral dialogue on specific questions with other stakeholders that are not listed above, notably international federations, national sport stakeholders, and representatives of private business. Open, inclusive and transparent dialogue with sport stakeholders has been instrumental for the development of a new EU policy in sport. But three years after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, this policy area is entering into a new phase of maturity. With the future funding stream for the period 2014-2020, more stable and structural supporting tools will be available for the sport movement. Networking will be reinforced at European level and also the capacity of sport stakeholders to influence the EU decision making process. In this perspective structured dialogue will be reinforced as the basis for sound and responsible EU initiatives and decisions.

“Football must also play a role in integrating the Roma” Corporate social responsibility in European football was the focal point of a UEFA knowledge-sharing seminar in Sarajevo at the beginning of October attended by Sport and Citizenship. Following is a brief interview with William Gaillard, special advisor to UEFA President Michel Platini. How is UEFA encouraging social responsibility (CSR) among its members? WG: The CSR policy has been in place for about twelve years. We realised that through sport it is possible to address many problems in society which football in itself was unable to solve. Football is an ideal vehicle for spreading messages, because it is very attractive, especially to young people. The first topic addressed was diversity: football brings people together, on the pitch, in the stands, and in society. It might seem simple, or even simplistic, but even now it is still difficult to get this message across. Differences between people should be accepted, represented and embraced. That is the basis of the RESPECT programme we developed during the UEFA EURO 2012. But CSR should not be limited to the problems which arise in sport. That is why we are also interested in health and protecting the environment.

What does your partnership with the World Heart Foundation mean? WG: It is vital to remember that physical inactivity is dangerous for people’s health. This confirms the points made at the conference you organised at the European Parliament on the fight against breast cancer. Did you know that cardiovascular disease is the leading cause of death in women? In the context of the Women’s UEFA EURO 2013 we will be running a big communication campaign on this subject in conjunction with the World Heart Foundation. Video clips will be aired during matches and events will take place throughout the competition. You recently took part in a working group on the integration of the Roma people. Do you think that football has a role to play here, too? WG: I had the chance recently to visit the memorial to the Roma victims of the Nazis in Berlin. We must never forget these massacres. The Roma are a sizable ethnic minority, (15 million people scattered across Europe), who have always suffered from discrimination. At the instigation of the George Soros Foundation a working group was set up to see how different activities, one of which was football, could contribute to the integration of the Roma. In Eastern Europe in particular it is very difficult for a person of Roma origin to play football without being subjected to violent attacks. In fact the first laws adopted in Romania to deal with discrimination against the Roma came about because of the combined pressure from the Romanian Federation, UEFA, and people like Valeriu Nicolae, the founder of the Policy Centre for Roma and Minorities. People need to be made aware of this matter, because it is a panEuropean problem. Football has certainly got a role to play, because it brings people into contact with one another. Michel Platini often says that young immigrants learn to kick a football before they learn to speak the language of their host country. We need to take this problem seriously.

7. SPORT & EU IN THE CARIBBEAN Delroy Alexander This is the second of three contributions in the Sport & EU Review by the Sacred Sports Foundation, a foundation based in Saint Lucia that works to increase opportunity and social inclusion for the local population. The Foundation recently signed a three-year agreement with Football Against Racism in Europe (FARE) and secured important grants from UNESCO and the Australian Government among others. In June 2013, it will be hosting the Sport in Black & White conference.

As the Caribbean comes to grips with a range of social development challenges, community sport and physical education programmes are increasingly looking beyond the formation of athletes. Governments and agencies are looking at how to utilise sport, physical activity and play as a tool to accomplish development goals. In the Eastern Caribbean, the Sacred Sports Foundation has targeted four critical development challenges faced by St. Lucian youth to focus on and assist in developing a working model for future delivery in other Caribbean Islands. These challenges are: 1. Lack of structured physical activity opportunities. Increasingly poor health and well being has seen obesity emerging as a problem among adolescents. This is often cited in regard of St. Lucia having one of the highest rates of preventable type-two diabetes in the world. 2. Poor understanding of the rights of the child. According to the recently released UN Road to Geneva Youth Survey on the Rights of the Child, nearly 70% of young people in St. Lucia feel they are sometimes or always discriminated against because of lifestyle choices. Some 86% of youth say physical punishment is used on students at their school. 3. High youth unemployment. Of the sixteen countries analysed in the 2010 CARICOM Commission on Youth Development report, half of them show unemployment rates above thirty per cent, with St. Lucia recording the highest at 46 per cent among females. 4. High rates of crime and violence. The 2010 CARICOM Commission on Youth Development report identified the high level of youth crime activity in St. Lucia as the highest in the region, costing an estimated 4% of GDP, higher than other hotspots such as Jamaica, Guyana and Trinidad & Tobago.



Delroy Alexander is the Chairman of the Sacred Sports Foundation, a registered independent, nondenominational not for profit charity based in St. Lucia. He is a senior sports administrator, a former Chicago Tribune senior investigative business reporter and a Pulitzer Prize nominee journalist.

Working with local partners such as the Ministry of Youth Development & Sport, the Foundation has joined with a range of partners to initiate the “Sport in Black & White” Conference and Youth Forum. Sacred Sports Foundation, one of the first local non-governmental organisations in the region to successfully tender in 2009 for an EU-funded sports development grant, is looking to showcase the region and its challenges in June 2013, with the new forum under the banner “Sport in Black & White”. More information can be found at http://www.sacredsportsinc.com/conference/. The Conference and Youth Forum will bring together a diverse range of actors in regional sport and sports leaders from Europe, Africa, Asia and the US to collectively focus on tackling these and other youth and sport related challenges over a two week period. In December 2012, the Sport in Black & White Conference was designated the 3rd Sport and the Global South international conference. The Conference will be jointly sponsored by the Sacred Sports Foundation and the Center for the Study of Sport and Leisure in Society at the Academy of International Sport, George Mason University. University of the West Indies Principal and noted historian Professor Sir Hillary Beckles has agreed to give a keynote presentation, among a range of leading sports professionals and stakeholders expected to take part. The call for papers is open and will be reviewed by a panel of respected scholars. Topics for debate during the conference will be:  The societal impact of sport for development and community sport programme;  The strategic development and structure of sports organisations and mechanisms for delivery;  Sport for development governance at the governmental and organisational level;  Issues relating to capacity building and delivery of women focused sports for development and community sport programmes;  Innovation in sports for development programmes and community sport;  Sports tourism and its economic impact on local communities;  Analyzing the effectiveness of sports, physical education and body culture educational programmes;  Combating discrimination through sports for development and community sports programmes.

Papers will be considered for Impumelelo: Journal of Sport and the Global South. Consideration will also be given to produce an edited book from the best papers presented at the conference. Selection will be based on criteria such as relevance to the Conference theme, applicability to sport development and its ability to be published. Individuals whose abstracts have been chosen will be notified by 15 April. Where possible, presenters will be encouraged to submit completed paper and power point presentation by 3 June 2013. 48

All papers accepted will be considered for publication in a special edition of Impumelelo: Journal of Sport and the Global South and presenters are expected to allow the Sacred Sports Foundation to reproduce for future promotional purposes. Submissions may be considered for main presentation, showcase or concurrent sessions. Abstracts are limited to 250 words, in English, the official language of the Conference. All abstracts and papers should be submitted to: [emailprotected]. It should be noted that special interest will be shown to abstracts with a small states focus or particular relevance to the Caribbean. Submissions are also being encouraged from young scholars and PhD students. The Sport in Black & White Conference is a participants’ conference comprised of numerous parallel sessions and selected plenary sessions. Participants have been invited to submit proposals as either 30-minute, 60-minute or jointly presented 90minute presentations. A virtual participation is also available if you are unable to attend the Conference in-person. All proposals, presentations and papers must be in English. Only one proposal for an in-person presentation may be accepted. This means that two proposals may be accepted in the case of two registered presenters in a joint presentation, as long as both presenters are registered as in-person participants. If one person registers as a virtual participant (instead of an in-person participant) the paper on which they are a co-author will be fully eligible for Journal submission, but will not be listed in the Conference program. Referees for presentation proposals and of submitted papers will base their assessment upon the kind of focus of a particular presentation or paper. A presentation or publication that details innovative or exemplary practices or programs in the community, in workplaces, in educational institutions and the like. This may take the form of case studies, narratives, demonstrations or technical reports. The outcomes of practice may be improved frameworks, concepts, understandings or structures, such as enhanced capacity through the development of knowledge, skills, and effectiveness. This kind of work may involve putting theory and research into practice. The Sport in Black & White Conference and Youth Forum will provide a fresh and innovative platform to actively impact existing and future programme design and delivery. It is expected to become an annual gathering where participants can become catalysts for substantial change in an often forgotten area of the world.

8. SPORT & EU 8th ANNUAL CONFERENCE PROGRAMME Sport & EU Conference: Sports Studies Research Centre at Kadir Has University, Istanbul (Turkey), 27-28 June 2013 ‘Sport in Times of Crisis: Challenges and Opportunities’ Note: Participants may need a visa to enter Turkey depending on their country of residency. Please make sure to carry a passport. Please check the website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to make sure if a visa is needed: http://www.mfa.gov.tr/visa-information-for-foreigners.en.mfa. Tourist visas (suitable for most European citizens) can be purchased on arrival to Istanbul, before the passport control. Visas are sold at €15 or ₤10; carrying of the sum in cash is advised. Provisional conference programme 26 June (Pre-Conference Evening) 17:00

Registration

18:00

Welcome lecture: Emir Güney: “Istanbul’s bid to host the 2020 Olympics”

18:30

Welcome co*cktail

27 June (Conference Day 1) 08:30

Registration